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Movement against the occupation of the timor sea (MKOTT) Public Declaration about the Accusations Against "Witness K" and Bernard Collaery by the Australian Government

9/16/2018

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MOVIMENTU KONTRA OKUPASAUN TASI TIMOR
(MKOTT)
Díli, 17 September 2018
 
Public Declaration about the Accusations Against "Witness K" and Bernard Collaery by the Australian Government
 
MKOTT has organized this public declaration in relation to the accusations against Timor-Leste’s two comrades in struggle, Bernard Collaery and Witness K, who on the 12th of September attended their hearing at a court in Canberra, Australia. These two friends of ours are accused of informing the public about Australia espionage which involved installing a bugging device at the Timor-Leste Government Palace, with the purpose of listening in on strategic meetings of the Government of Timor-Leste, in relation to the Maritime Boundary negotiations in 2004.
 
Today we present more than 1300 signatures on this ten metre white banner, signatures which we can say represent the people of Timor-Leste’s solidarity to our comrades Bernard Collaery and Witness K. This solidarity message reminds us of the history which are forefathers have told us, about the 60 000 Timorese who died defending their fellow soldiers, Australian troops, during the Second World War from1942-1945. 
 
In memory of those heroes who died in the Second World War;
 
1. MKOTT strongly condemns the accusations against comrades Bernard Collaery and Witness K. The accusations are an embarrassment to a nation that is known to promote freedom of expression and democracy. MKOTT is disappointed in its large neighbour, Australia, which continues to exploit its neighbours. MKOTT believes that the charges that have been laid are intended by the Australian government as a warning to others that may wish to expose the actions of the Australian government towards its neighbours. 

2. MKOTT appeals to the Australian court to throw out the charges against comrades Bernard Collaery and his client Witness K, because the courts are supposed to safeguard witnesses and condemn behaviour such as espionage, not the opposite. 

3. MKOTT fully supports the initiative of Andrew Wilkie MP, Senator Nick McKim, Senator Rex Patrick no Senator Tim Storer, members of the Australian Parliament, who have requested an investigation into the ASIO espionage case.

4. MKOTT wishes to propose that the Federal Prosecutor General of Australia open an investigation against the former Foreign Minister of Australia Alexander Downer who is currently on the Advisory Board of Woodside, as it was under Alexander Downer’s mandate, together with former Prime Minister John Howard, that the espionage occurred. 

5. MKOTT continues to gather signatures from the people of Timor-Leste to continue to give our solidarity to our comrades in struggle Bernard Collaery and Witness K, and we will present these signatures at the next hearing on 28 October 2018. We continue to provide our advocacy and support towards the campaign to throw out the charges against our two colleagues and friends.   
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Viva Comrade Bernard Collaery..!!
Viva Comrade Witness K..!!
Viva Povu Maubere..!!
Viva MKOTT..!!
 

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Komparasaun entre ekonomia Marxismo no Neoclassical; Analiza ba diferensia entre individualista no klasse iha ekonomia

9/15/2018

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Analiza ba diferensia entre individualista no klasse iha ekonomia;
Komparasaun entre ekonomia Marxismo no Neoclassical
Hakerek-Nain: Tomas Freitas

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​Introdusaun
Neoclassical economics iha influensa ba ekonomia kapitalista ohin loron; buat nee bele hare’e iha konseitus balun ‘merkadu mak determina presu’, no tama iha etapa ida mak konsege ultra-pasa teoria ‘Labour Theory of Value’, nebe eziste iha tempu inisiu Classical Economics nian. Banati tuir teoria ‘Marshalian Cross’ nebe esplika kona ba teoria Supply and Demand, Neoclassical economics fiar maka’as katak merkadu mak sei fo equilibriu ba presu (Stilwell, 2002). Hanesan konsagra tiha ona iha ‘Say’s Law’ hateten katak supply ba bens e servicos bele kria rasik sira nia merkadu, (Baumol, 1999). Deklarasaun hirak nee persija halo ezaminasaun liu husi estudu empirical, inklui mos neoclassical ninian methodologia deduktivo (Deductive Methodology) mak sei susar hodi justifika. Artiklu nee sei aprezenta diferensia entre ekonomia Marxismo no Neoclassical liu-liu iha kontekstu pontu da vista individualista kontra klasses iha ekonomia agora nian (Contemporary Economy). Essay ida nee mos sei hato’o historia (Background) kona ba oinsa ideas ka teoria original mak funda Neoclassical economics, nebe moris husi ‘Proto-Marginalists’, ‘Revolutionaries’ no ‘Consolidators’, nebe sai nudar ideologia mak forte tebes iha era Capitalismo ohin loron nian.    
  
Historia
Tradisionalmente, idea Neoclassical mai husi ema ulun bot balun iha tempu Classical economics ho ninian politica economist sira mak hanesan Adam Smith ho ninian konseitu Merkadu Livre nebe’e nia ilustra liu husi ninian livro ‘The Wealth of The Nation’, (Smith, 1776), David Ricardo ho ninian ideas ‘Marginal Principle’ (Kaldor, 1956), John Stuart Mill (2007) ho ninian teoria ‘Utilitarianism’, Jeremy Bentham (2009) ho ninian ‘Greatest Happiness’, no Jean Baptiste Say ho ninian teoria famozu ‘Say’s Law’ (Kates, 2003). Idea sira nee hotu mak fo’o inspirasaun ba ekonomista neoclassical sira balun. 
Doutrina Neoclassical economy hahu’u husi ultimo 1830s to’o meiu 1850s no sai forte e influensa iha inisiu 1870s, buras no sai famozu ba klasse mediu sira iha meiu 1880s to’o meiu 1890s. Historia ida nee ita bele hare’e hanesan evolusaun ba etapa tolu ka ‘three evolutionary’ nebe inklui ‘The Proto-marginalist’, ‘The Revolutionaries’, no ‘The Consolidators’ nebe sai hanesan ideas original husi Neoclassical economy.

Proto-Marginalistas
Historikamente, evolusaun Neoclassical Economics mai husi fundador lubun balu mak konsidera hanesan autores ba Proto-Marginalists inklui Augustin Cournot, Jules Dupuit, Johann Thunen no Heinrich Gossen. Iha tinan 1838, Agustin Cournot dezenvolve tiha ona ninian ideas Research into the Mathematical Principles of Wealth (2008), Cournot mos dezenvolve no analiza teoria monopoly mak ikus mai hamosu konseitu ‘Profit-maximising producer’. Jules Dupuit hanesan engineer ba Pontes ho ninian ideas ‘Curve of Diminishing Marginal Utility’ iha 1844, (Vickers, 1995), mesmu nee, iha tinan 1861, Dupuit mos iha argumentu kapas no konsege hamosu idea ‘Free Exchange’. Johann Thunen hanesan ema Alemanha mak iha rai no plantasaun barak (German landowner) ema nee dezenvolve esensia husi ‘The Marginal Productivity Theory of Distribution’ iha tinan 1850 (Ekelund & Hebert, 1999). Ikus liu husi fundador Protagonist Marginalist mak Heinrich Gossen ho ninian idea famozu ‘Gossen Second Law’ iha tinan 1854, no deskreve; ‘equalisation between the ratios of exchange of goods to the ratio of marginal disutility of work’ (Blaug, 2003)’. Ho ninian sentido equilibriu entre lojika troka sasan no lojika marginal husi desutilizasaun de servisu. Protagonista nain hat nee hetan suksesu in termus hato’o sira nian teoria original mak ikus mai sai hanesan embrio ba teoria marginal husi neoclassical economics.  
   
Revolusionario
Depois de Proto-Marginalista sira marka no funda tiha ideas ‘Marginal Theory’ husi 1838 to’o ba 1854, Neoclassical Economics komesa hakroat fila fali sira nia nehan liu husi revolusionario-marginalista sira mak hanesan; William Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger no Leon Walras. Iha lansamentu ba ‘Marginal Revolution’, Jevons komesa tau ninian ideas ‘Theory of Political Economy’ iha tinan 1871, Nia komesa fo emphaze ba prinsipiu husi ‘Diminishing marginal utility’ no halo introdusaun ba preferensia individual (Steedman, 1997). Depois nee iha tempu hanesan 1871, revolusionario marginalista seluk Carl Menger husi Austria introdus ninian konseitu ‘Grunds tze’ nebe konsidera hanesan idea baziku husi ‘Marginal value theory’ ka ‘Marginal utility theory’ mesmu la direitamente nia uza termus ‘Marginal’ maibe nia deklara katak konsumedores normalmente iha lista kona ba saida mak nia atu sosa no iha preferensia kona ba sasan ho kualidade diak liu nebe sei fo satisfeitu ba nia a’an, no konsumedores mos iha lista kona ba sasan nebe ladun urjente atu sosa, no sira sei sosa wainhira iha osan restu, (Streissler & Streissler, 1994). Depois de Menger reforsa ninian hanoin kona ba ‘Marginal Utility Theory’, iha tinan 1874 ekonomista ida husi Franca naran Leon Walras, nebe dezenvolve liu tan (Marginalist Theory) no ikus mai formalmente ‘Marginalist Theory’ nakfila a’an ba ‘General Equilibrium Theory’. Iha parte seluk, Walras mos hato’o ninian kontribuisaun ideas balun mak hanesan refleksaun ba monopoly merkadu no kompetisaun mak imperfecto (Tieben, 2009).  

Konsolidor
Wainhira halao konsolidasaun ba ideas ekonomia neoclassical husi famozu revolusionariu-marginalista nain-tolu hanesan esplika tiha ona iha palavras mak iha leten, sei iha tan numerous ekonomista seluk mak hakarak hametin liu tan ideas nee. Ekonomista hirak nee mak hanesan; Eugen Bohm-Bawerk ho ninian ideas ‘Capital and Interest’ hakerek iha tinan 1884, iha livro ne’e esplika kona ba parte positivu husi investementu capital ho ninian retornu osan funan (Pressman, 1999). Iha mos Friedrich von Wieser nebe iha tinan 1889 hakarek teoria kona ba Imputasaun ‘Imputation Theory’ nebe deklara katak factor presu determina husi output presu (Albertazzi et al, 1996). Alfred Marshall iha tinan 1890 sai famozu tamba ninian teoria kona ba ‘Marshallian Cross’ nebe analiza merkadu bazeia ba ninian teoria ‘Supply and Demand’, (Stilwell, 2002). John Bates Clark iha tinan 1891 husi Estadus Unidos Americano, fornese ninian konseitu ho naran ‘Marginal Productivity Concept’ ho ninian fiar katak kontribuisaun ba output husi trabaladores adisional sei determina mos valor pagamentu ba trabalhador sira seluk mak persija kampo de trabalho, (Geetika et al, 2008). Irving Fisher mos hola parte iha konsolidador famozu hirak nee, nia inventa ‘Curve Device invention’ hodi kompleta Walras nian teoria ‘Equilibrium Price’ iha 1892 (Fisher, 2007). Fisher ninian servisu ikus nebe kunyesidu iha era post-Keynesian mak ‘deb-deflation theory’ iha 1933, no teoria nee mak Hyman Minsky uza hodi dezenvolve ninian teoria ‘Financial Instability Hypothesis’, (Minsky, 1986).

Hafoin Irving Fisher, ekonomista neoclassical konsolida sira servisu liu husi Knut Wicksell ho ninian ideas Value, Capital and Rent iha 1893 (Lutz, 2006). Philip Wicksteed iha tinan 1894 produs mos ninian hakerek kona ba Co-ordination of Laws of Distribution, no halo ninian kritika ba ekonomista sira balun mak prefere hodi reorganiza fali teoria kona ba distribuisaun. Wicksteed prefere atu uza matematika hanesan metodu investigasaun ho garantia alokasaun de distribuisaun (Marchionatti, 2004). Vilfredo Pareto iha tinan 1896 mos hola parte hanesan jerasaun segundu husi revolusionarios neoclassical nebe’e fornese mos ninian kontribuisaun liu husi hakerek livro kona ba Tastes-and-obstacles (Gomes, 2003) nebe’e kontinua hamoris fila fali general equilibrium theory, mesmu nee Vilfredo kunyesidu hanesan lider ida husi eskola Lausanne mak famozu hanesan eskola neoclassical mak konstrui Leon Walras nian konseitu kona ba General equilibrium theory (Andersen, 2009).

Konsolidador ikus husi neoclassical economics mak Enrico Barone, ekonomista Italiano ida mak entrega ninian dedikasaun tomak hodi banati tuir Leon Walras no Vilfredo Pareto nian ain fatin, ninian kontribuisaun bot liu ba neoclassical school mak halo influensa ba Walras hodi integra ideas balun ba tekniku produsaun (Production Technique), ninian ideas nee konsidera hanesan ekstensaun ida ba marginal productivity theory (Jaffe & Walker, 1983).   

Hale’u no hatene tiha konsolidasaun ba iha teoria bar-barak mak hodi suporta ‘Neoclassical economics’ Alfred Marshall deit mak sai famozu liu no bele halo sintesa ba Jevons, Menger no Walras nian teoria. Sintesa nee kunyesidu ho ‘Marshallian Cross’ ho ilustrasaun Supply no Demand mak sai factor determina ba presu mak equilibriu, no nia fiar katak sei fo’o mos satisfeitu ba parte rua konsumedores no vendedores.  

Debates Konseitus
Estuda no akompanya tiha prosesu transformasaun husi Classical Economics ba iha Neoclassical Economics, Ita bele hare’e katak originalidade husi prinsipiu merkadu livre mak sirkulasaun sasan iha merkadu (Supply & Demand) no merkadu mak sei determina presu sasan. Teoria ne’e sei desvaloriza tiha Karl Marx nian teoria ‘Labour Theory of Value’ nebe’e Marx fiar katak kualidade husi trabalhadores mak sai factor determinante ba presu sasan nian.

Atu justifika teoria bot rua mak iha leten, tuir mai artiklu nee hakarak apresenta analiza no interpretasaun klean kona ba konseitos no argumentus mak hola parte tiha ona iha teoria rua nee nian laran.

Komparasaun entre Neoclassical no Marxismo;   

Deductivismo Vs Materialismo Dialetika Historia
Iha Neoclassical uza metodologia deductivismo, nebe bazeia ba John Stuart Mill, hateten katak; “ a complex subject matter like political economy can only be studied scientifically by means of the deductive method. Since so many causal factors influence economic phenomena, and experimentation is generally not possible, there is no way to employ the methods of induction directly”, (Hausman, 1992, pp14). Sentido husi palavras iha leten hateten katak; “kestaun mak komplexu hanesan political economy so bele scientifikamente estuda liu husi methodologia deductivo. Desde faktor casual barak mak influensa phenomena ekonomia no generalmente experimento la konsege halo, tamba nee mak laiha dalan hodi implementa metodologia direitamente ka ‘induction’. 
  
La han malun ho aproximasaun Neoclassical nian kona ba Methodologia deductivo, ekonomista Marxista nian prefere liu estuda historia no prosesu, mak hanesan ejemplu balun; Materialismo Dialetika Historia, Klase Bourgesa, no Sociadade Capitalista, (Stilwell, 2002), Marxista sira hatene katak liu husi kunyesementu hirak nee sei bele fo’o imagem bot hodi kumprende konstruksaun Capitalismo modern nian, (Lunn, 1982).

Sekuandu aplika methodologia rua nee ba iha ekonomia agora nian (Contemporary Economy), sei mosu diferensia balun. Deductivismo iha era ida ne’e, sei utiliza nafatin husi ekonomista Rationalista sira (Rationalists Economists), (Katouzian, 1980) ezemplu mak hanesan instituisaun financeiru internasional sira hanesan Banku Mundial no Fundo Monetario Internasional, instituisaun rua nee sei kaer nafatin engkontru regular kona ba Annual General Meeting-AGM (IMF, 2010) hodi halo evaluasaun ba sira nian estrategia no methodologia, liu husi AGM nee mos sira bele estuda aktividade ekonomia mak sira suporta tiha ona liu husi sira nian programa, nebe dala barak sira mak deside rasik durante fulan sanulu resin rua nian laran.

Deductivismo karik bele diak mos ba ekonomista sira balun hodi halo sira nian justifikasaun depois to’o iha projeitu ninian rohan. Iha kritika balun mak ita tenke konsidera katak observasaun direita (Induction Methodology) dalaruma mos bele la konsege halo kobertura ba evidensia balun mak akontese iha fatin diferente ho tempu mak hanesan durante prosesu observasaun nian laran. Iha biban seluk opozisaun ba deductivismo, Marxista sira fiar katak ho historia materialismo mak sei fo’o kunyesementu profundu kona ba sociadade bourgesa iha termos kumprende sistema ‘Mode of Production’ (Rockmore, 2002), Haktuir Stalin nian liafuan dehan katak “historical materialism is the extension of the principle of dialectical materialism to study of social life” (Rockmore, 2002, pp7). Nebe ho ninian sentido hateten katak “historia materialismo nee hanesan ekstensaun husi prinsipiu dialetika materialismo nebe estuda kona ba sociadade nian moris”.  

Marxista sira fiar katak konseitu materialismo dialetika historia sei halo ema kumprende didiak kona ba ekonomia capitalista ohin loron nian, tamba capitalismo hanesan ‘mode of production’ ka Meius de Produsaun nebe involve karakter techniko no social, no halo produsaun ba bens e servicos. Karakter social signifika katak relasaun entre klasse, nebe’e trabalhadores hanesan klasse proletariadu no bourgesa hanesan klasse mediu mak sai nain ba fabrika ka industria, inklui mos nain ba technologia no material prima ka ‘raw material’ (Stilwell, 2002).     
 
Individual Vs Klasses
Se’es malun ho teoria Neoclassical, ekonomista Marxista sira halo analiza foka liu ba klasse laos individual. Klasse signifika grupo proletariadu hanesan forsa de trabalho mak halo produsaun ba bens e servicos, no bourgesa hanesan capitalista mak sai nain ba meius da produsaun. Individual bazeia ba teoria Neoclassical mak konsumedor no vendedor nebe’e livre faan no sosa sira nian sasan; iha lianguazem seluk hateten katak alokasaun iha ekonomia merkadu livre, faan no sosa sasan sei akontese voluntariamente entre individual sira (Bergh, et al, 1997). Idea ‘free exchange’ ka Merkadu livre nee implementa tiha ona iha siklu 19th century nebe’e adopta husi ekonomista neo-liberal sira no ikus mai sai famozu hanesan ideologia capitalismo, mak hetan ninian suporta maka’as husi instituisaun financeiru internasionais.  

Terminologia rua iha leten to’o agora sei relevante nafatin, tamba iha tendensia katak individual bazeia ba teoria Neoclassical nudar konsumedor sei iha forsa ultimo hodi determina presu sasan. Klasse iha ‘Contemporary economy’ ka ekonomia modernu mos sei relevante tamba problema ekonomia agora ninian nebe kumplexu hamosu injustisa iha fatin servisu bar-barak, trabalhadores hanesan klasse proletariadu mak siempre lakon sira nian direitu, tamba nee iha fatin barak ona trabalhadores sira organiza a’an hodi establese sira nian sindikatu, uniaun no organizasaun legais rasik hodi proteze sira nian direitu no halo advokasia ba sira nian interese komun.    

Utility Vs Value
Diferente husi teoria Neoclassical, Ekonomista Marxista sira halo analiza ba produsaun bazeia ba ‘Labour Theory of Value’ ka teoria nebe’e mak valoriza servisu trabalhadores sira bazeia ba kuantidade no kualidade forsa de trabalhadores nian. Maibe Neoclassical halo analiza ba merkadu bazeia ba ‘Theory of Utility’ ka teoria de utilizasaun, ejemplu mak hanesan sasan mak produs ba iha merkadu ninian folin sei determina husi ‘Consumer satisfaction’ ka konsumedores nian gostu, (Stilwell, 2002).

Banati tuir Carl Menger nian teoria ‘Marginal Utility Theory’, hateten katak wainhira konsumedor deside atu gasta sira nian osan hodi sosa sasan ka produtu, sira sei depende ba sasan ka produtu nebe mak hatudu ninian kualidade diak no fo satisfeitu ba konsumedor nee. 
 
Haklaken tuir William Stanley Jevons ninian teoria ‘Diminishing Marginal Utility’ katak wainhira konsumedor deside atu aloka ninian pagamentu ba iha sasan balun, konsumedor ne’e sei koko ka ezamina sasan ida ba ida no koko hodi identifika sasan ida nebe mak hatudu liu ninian kualidade ka sasan nebe mak fo liu ninian satisfeitu ba konsumedor nee, ijemplu simples mak hanesan sosa roupa ka vistidu, ema nee sei koko no hatais ida ba ida to’o nia satisfeitu no komfortavel ho ninian desizaun. Satisfeitu ho vistidu nebe mak nia deside tiha ona atu sosa, ne sei determina vistidu nian folin, tamba vendedor hatene tiha ona konsumedor nian hakarak, entaun vendedor vistidu nee sei tau folin mak a’as para atu bele hetan lukru mak maximu.

Iha realidade ‘Utiliy theory’ no ‘Labour theory of value’ sei relevante nafatin, tamba teoria rua nee bele aplika depende ba iha merkadu ka industria mak bot ka largo. Ijemplu; kuandu hau nudar konsumedor ba iha negosiante local iha area rural ou remota nebe kategoria kiik hanesan business furniture ba produs kadeira ka meja, teoria utility ka marginal utility sei susar hodi implementa tamba hau nian satisfeitu sei la bele aplika ho razaun kadeira ho meja laiha kuantidade mak barak para hau hodi ezamina ka koko tamba fatin business furniture nee laos dealer mak hatama sasan bar-barak. Business kiikoan hanesan nee normalmente determina sira nian presu rasik depende ba iha presu material prima no kustu de trabalho inklui mos lukru balun hodi hatutan ka halo bot sira nian business. Iha parte seluk sekuandu hau hanesan konsumedor no hau ba atu kompra meja ka kadeira balun iha loja bot furniture nian nebe hanesan mos ‘dealer’ ka ‘retailer’ parese hau bele aplika Utility theory tamba vendedor loja nee reprezenta kompania bot nebe iha kuantidade meja no kadeira barak hamutuk ho presu nebe variable ba hau, atu nune hau bele koko no ezamina tuir hau nian hakarak no gostu.

Equilibrium Vs Underconsumption
Bazeia ba teoria neoclassical, ‘General Equilibrium theory’ signifika katak presu ba sasan no factor mak halo produsaun ba sasan nee sei determina husi balansu ‘supply & demand’. Hanesan mos deklara tiha ona iha ‘Say’s Law’ nebe hateten katak ‘supply’ sei kria ninian ‘demand’ iha ijemplu rua mak sei bele esplika konseitu ida nee, ida; ijemplu wainhira iha tempu natal loja bar-barak hatama roupa ho kuantidade barak tamba sira fiar katak iha tempu natal konsumedores sei sosa sira nian roupa hodi ba misa no hatais ba iha loron bot. Entaun saida mak akontese wainhira roupa tama barak ema sosa mos aumenta barak no iha tempo hanesan vendedores mos hasae ninian folin makas atu hodi hetan ninian lukru barak, maibe wainhira loron bot liu tiha, folin sasan sira nee sei tun ba presu normal.

Ijemplu ida temi tiha ona nee, mos reflekta teoria Marshallian Cross, nebe hateten determinasaun ba presu sei depende ba iha quantidade demand no supply, ijemplu mak hanesan ita bele hare’e iha nasaun seluk hanesan Australia, Inglatera, Estadus Unidos America ka nasaun nebe ninian ekonomia diferente ho ita, depois de natal roupa iha loja sira folin tun makas, entaun saida mak akontese iha loron ‘Boxing Day’ 26 de Dezembro dadersan sedu deit ema ba forma-linha naruk iha odamatan loja nian oin, molok loja nee loke para konsumedor sira tama ho hadauk malun sasan hodi sosa. Maibe tuir Marxian economics, sira hateten katak ‘Oversupply’ sei prejudika ‘Underconsumption’ nebe signifika katak faan sasan barak liu iha merkadu sei afekta ba konsumedores nian forsa de kompra, nebe sei bele akontese falansu iha merkadu. Ijemplu ba kazu ida nee ita la persija ba rai liur, wainhira governu hasai osan barak hodi sosa fo’os toneladas ba toneladas husi Vietnam no Laos, no laiha kalkulasaun fiksu husi forsa de kompra kada familia ida-idak, entaun saida mak akontese fo’os barak mak sai a’at iha armazem no tinan tinan ita rona katak governu sunu fo’os tamba a’at no lahuk. Ita labele fo sala ba iha falansu distribuisaun tamba distribuisaun mos hola parte sistema merkadu nian laran.

Hanesan refleksaun ba sistema merkadu iha era agora nian, wainhira presu folin tun sei provoka konsumedores hodi sosa, no wainhira konsumedores barak sosa entaun supply sasan tenke aumenta, no derepente deit vendedores hasae ninian folin no persija aumenta stock husi fabrika; no wainhira fabrika aumenta ninian suply, presu sasan nian monu fila fali. Fenomena nee mak hanesan siklus ida-idak mak kesi-malun tuir ninian movimentu nee rasik. No bazeia ba Marx nee mak ‘unstable economy’ ka ekonomia la estabil nebe’e signifika supply barak liu sei resulta konsumu menus (underconsumption), no merkadu bele monu ba krize. 

Marginal Vs Structural
Originalidade teoria ‘Marginal Analysis’ mai husi David Ricardo ninian teoria ‘Marginal Principle’ nebe uza tiha ona hodi halo analiza ba ‘Rent’, ‘Leasing’ ka Aluga no ekonomista Neoclassical sira adopta tiha ona teoria nee, tamba sira fiar katak factors hotu-hotu iha relasaun ba malun. Maibe, atu aplika ba Marginal Principle Ricardo introdus tiha ona prinsipiu de substituisaun ka ‘Principle of Substitution’ ho razaun atu hodi kumprende relasaun entre trabalhadores no rai (Kaldor, 1956).

Kontradiksaun ba iha neoclassical nian teoria marginal analysis, Marx nian structural analysis halo kritika ba iha estado hanesan capitalista mak iha poder. Iha ninian manifesto communist Marx esplika exploitasaun mak halo husi bourgesa ba iha trabalhadores, no Marx identifika katak bourgesa mak iha klasses mediu ka sociadade affluente (affluent society) kontinua halo manipulasaun ho razaun hodi mantein nafatin poder capitalista. Marx konsidera sistema capitalista hanesan meius ida husi estado atu hodi proteze sira nian rezime, no iha rezime nee inklui instituisaun estado nian mak hanesan; policia, Sistema judiciariu, universidade no religiaun sira. Kritika ba iha instituisaun hirak nee ho razaun katak instituisaun sira nee mak siempre fo sira nian bensa no grasa ba estado no kria konsensia falsu ‘false consciousness’ (Newton & Deth, 2005).

Konkluzaun
Idea original mak mai husi classical economist hanesan Ricardo ho ninian marginal principle, John Stuart Mil ho Utilitarianism, Jeremy Bentham ho ninian great happiness inklui mos Jean Baptiste Say ho ninian Say’s Law, hato’o tiha ona mai katak teoria grande hirak nee hotu to’o agora sei relevante iha sociadade nian let. Transformasaun ideas husi classical mai ba neoclassical no husi neoclassical ba neo-liberal no to’o merkadu livre nee hatudu katak ekonomia iha mundo nee lao progresivu tebes.

Evolusaun husi proto-marginalista mak hanesan Cournot, Dupuit, Thunen and Gossen tun mai revolucionariu sira mak hanesan Jevons, Menger and Walras, Hamutuk ho konsolidador sira mak hanesan Bohm-Bawerk, Wieser, Marshal, Clark, Fisher, Wicksell, Wicksteed, Pareto and Barone hatudu katak ideas neoclassical halo ninian evolusaun duni bazeia ba iha dinamiku tempu neba nian no to’o agora konseitus hirak nee sei adopta nafatin iha ekonomia modern.

Essay nee explora tiha ona ideas fundamental barak husi konseitus bot rua mak mai husi ekonomia Neoclassical no Marxismo nian. Liu husi expozisaun ida nee, hato’o tiha ona mos komparasaun entre teoria elegante rua nee, liu-liu neoclassical sira nian teoria kona ba utility, marginal utility no supply & demand nebe mak desvaloriza tiha Marx nian teoria labour value of theory. Maibe iha realidade teoria hirak nee sei relevante nafatin no sei bele implementa bazeia ba kondisaun merkadu.

Iha parte seluk mos, Karl Marx hato’o tiha ona kontribuisaun teoria fundamento balun mak sei eziste iha phenomena ekonomia agora ninian. Liu husi konseitus mak hanesan materialism dialetika historia, analiza klasse, labour theory of value, underconsumption no structural analysis, argumentus no konseitus hirak nee uza tiha ona iha debates bar-barak iha arena politika ekonomia nian laran. Ijemplu mak hanesan; Marx nian teoria kona ba ‘underconsumption’ nebe iha ekonomia marxismo nian hateten katak; ‘oversupply’ sei prejudika ‘underconsumption’ no sei resulta falansu iha sistema merkadu. Mesmu iha kestaun nee ekonomista neoclassical sira fiar nafatin katak supply no demand mak sei bele kria equilibriu presu iha merkadu.

Referensia
Albertazzi, L., Libardi, M., & Poli, R., 1996. ‘The school of Franz Brentano’, Kluwer Academic Publisher, Netherlands

Andersen, S, E., 2009. ‘Schumpeter's Evolutionary Economics: A Theoretical, Historical and Statistical Analysis of the Engine of Capitalism’, Anthem Press, United Kingdom

Baumol, J, W., 1999. ‘Retrospectives Say’s Law’, The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol 13, No 1, pp 195-204

Bentham, J., 2009. ‘Deontology or, the science of morality: In which the harmony and co-incidence of duty and self-interest’, Bibliobazaar LLC, United States

Bergh, V, D, C, J, M, J., Straaten, V, D, J., & International Society for Ecological Economics., 1997. ‘Economy and ecosystems in change: analytical and historical approaches’, Edward Elgar Publishing, United States

Blaug, M., 2003. ‘Economic theory in retrospect’, Cambridge University Press, United Kingdom

Cournot, A, A., 2008. ‘Researches into the Mathematical Principles of Wealth’, Bibliobazaar, New York

Ekelund, B, R., & Hebert, F, R., 1999. ‘Secret origins of modern microeconomics: Dupuit and the engineers’, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago

Fisher, I., 2007. ‘The nature of capital and income’, Cosimo Inc, New York

Geetika., Ghosh, P., & Choudhury, R, P., 2008. ‘Managerial economics’, Tata McGraw-Hill, India

Gomes, L., 2003. ‘The economics and ideology of free trade: a historical review’, Edward Elgar Publishing, United Kingdom

Hausman, M, D., 1992. ‘Essays on philosophy and economic methodology’, Cambridge University Press, United States

International Monetary Fund., 2010. ‘About the annual meetings’, available from http://www.imf.org/external/am/2010/about.htm

Jaffe, W., & Walker, A, D., 1983. ‘William Jaffe’s Essays on Walras’, Cambridge University Press, United States

Kaldor, N., 1956. ‘Alternative theories of distribution’, The Review of Economic Studies, Vol 23, No 2, pp 83-100

Kates, S., 2003. ‘Two Hundred Years of Say's Law: Essays on Economic Theory's Most Controversial Principle’, Edward Elgar Publishing, United Kingdom

Katouzian, H., 1980. ‘Ideology and method in economics’, Macmillan, London

Lunn, E., 1982. ‘Marxism and modernism: an historical study of Lukacs, Brecht, Benjamin, and Adorno’, University of California Press, United States

Lutz, A, F., 2006. ‘The theory of interest’, Transaction Publisher, New Jersey

Marchionatti, R., 2004. ‘Early mathematical economics’, 1871-1915’, Routledge, New York

Mill, S, J., 2007. ‘Utilitarianism, Liberty & Representative Government’, Wildside Press LLC, United States

Minsky, P, H., 1986. ‘Stabilizing an unstable economy’, Yale University Press, United States

Newton, K., & Deth, W, J., 2005. ‘Foundations of comparative politics: democracies of the modern world’, Cambridge University Press, United States

Pressman, S., 1999. ‘Fifty major economists’, Routledge, New York

Rockmore, T., 2002. ‘Marx after Marxism: the philosophy of Karl Marx’, Wiley-Blackwell, Great Britain

Steedman, I., 1997. Jevons's Theory of Political Economy and the 'Marginalist Revolution’, The European Journal off the History of Economic Thought, Vol 4, No 1, pp 43-64 available from: http://pdfserve.informaworld.com.ezproxy2.library.usyd.edu.au/50145_731193556_739386890.pdf

Stilwell, F., 2002. ‘Political Economy: the contest of economic ideas’ Oxford University Press, Singapore.

Streissler, W, E., & Streissler, M., 1994. ‘Carl Menger’s lectures to crown Prince Rudolph of Austria’, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, United Kingdom 

Tieben, B., 2009. ‘The concept of equilibrium in different economic traditions: a historical investigation’, Rozenberg Publishers, Amsterdam

Vickers, D., 1995. ‘The tyranny of the market: a critique of theoretical foundations’, The University of Michigan Press, United States
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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Movementu kontra okupasaun tasi timor (MKOTT)Deklarasaun Públiku Konaba Akuzasaun Hasoru Kompanhero "Witness K" no Bernard Collaery husi Governu Australia

9/15/2018

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MOVIMENTU KONTRA OKUPASAUN TASI TIMOR (MKOTT)
Díli, 17 Septembro 2018
 
Deklarasaun Públiku Konaba Akuzasaun Hasoru Kompanhero "Witness K" no Bernard Collaery husi Governu Australia
 
Deklarasaun Publiko ida ne’e MKOTT organiza relasiona ho loron julgamentu ba Timor-Leste nian Amigo Bot Nain Rua; Kompanhero da Luta Bernard Collaery ho Witness K, ne’ebe loron 12 fulan Septembro ba atende julgamentu iha Tribunal Canberra, Australia. Ita nian belun nain rua ne’e hetan akuzasaun tanba fo sai ba publiko kona ba Australia espionajen hodi monta aparelu iha Palacio do Governu Timor-Leste nian no akapta engkontru estratejiku Governu Timor-Leste nian sobre negosiasaun Fronteira Maritima iha tinan 2004 nian laran.
 
Ohin liu husi Asinatura Rihun Ida Atus Tolu Resin ne’ebe mak konsege asina iha Spanduk Mutin ho Metro Sanulu (10 Meter) Rihun Ida Resin ne ami bele dehan katak representa ona Povu Timor-Leste nian Solidariadade ba Kompanhero Bernard Collaery ho Witness K, mensagem solidariade ne’e, fo hanoin fali istoria ne’ebe ami nian Avo konta mai ami, ne’ebe deskreve povu Timor liu Rihun Nen Nulu mak mate hodi defende sira nian Amigo Combatente Tropa Forca Australiano Sira ne’ebe mak mate iha Segundu Guera Mundial iha tinan 1942-1945. 
 
Hodi hanoin hikas heroi sira ne’ebe mate iha funu Segundu Guera Mundial;
 
1. MKOTT kondena maka'as akuzasaun hasoru Kompanhero Bernard Collaery ho Witness K, akuzasaun ne’e hanesan mos Moe Bot ida nebe’e hatudu husi Nasaun ne’ebe kunyesidu promove liberdade da espresaun no mos demokrasia. MKOTT Sente triste ba nasaun bot hanesan Australia ne’ebe kontinua han matak ba ninian vizinho sira. MKOTT hare’e liu husi akuzasaun ida ne’e governu Australia iha planu atu halo tauk ema barak mak hakarak deskobre governu Australia nian atetude ladiak hasoru ninian nasaun vizinho sira. 

2. MKOTT husu ba Tribunal Australia nian atu Hapara Akuzasaun hasoru Kompanhero Bernard Collaery ho kliente Witness K, tanba tuir lolos tribunal tenke salva guarda Sasin Sira no halo kondenasaun hasoru hahalok espionajen, laos kontrario fali. 

3. MKOTT apoiu maka’s ba inisiativu husi Sr. Andrew Wilkie MP, Senadór Nick McKim, Senadór Rex Patrick no Senadór Tim Storer membru Parlementu Australia nian ne’ebe hakarak loke fali investigasaun ba iha kazu espionajen mak halo husi ASIO. 

4. MKOTT hakarak propoin ba Prokurador Jeral Federal Australia nian atu loke investigasaun ba eis Ministro Estranjeiro Sr. Alexander Downer ne’ebe mak agora dadaun ne tur hanesan kuadru konsellu Kompania Woodside nian, ho razaun iha Alexander Downer nian mandatu hamutuk ho eis Primeiro Ministro John Howard mak kazu espionazen refere akontese. 

5. MKOTT sei nafatin mobiliza asinatura husi povu Timor-Leste hotu atu kontinua fo ami nian solidariade ba Kompanhero da Luta Bernard Collaery ho Witness K, no ami sei apresenta Asinatura hirak ne iha loron julgamentu tuir mai iha loron 28 de Outubro 2018. Ami Sei nafatin kontinua hodi fo suporta ate tribunal hapara akuzasaun hasoru belun nain rua ne.   

Viva Companhero Bernard Collaery..!!
Viva Companhero Witness K..!!
Viva Povu Maubere..!!
Viva MKOTT..!!
 
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Revista Kritiku kona ba Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional (AUI) Asina husi Timor-Leste ho Australia iha Loron 6 de Marsu 2003.

9/5/2017

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Revista Kritiku kona ba Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional (AUI) Asina husi Timor-Leste ho Australia iha Loron 6 de Marsu 2003.
 
Autor, Tomas Freitas

Iha loron 1 de Septembro 2017 iha Copenhagen, Dinamarka, Tribunal Permanente Arbitrasaun fo sai Nota da Impressa hodi update resultadu Konsiliasaun entre Timor-Leste ho Australia. Bazeia ba noticia parte rua kongratula ba sira nian atinzementu. Mesmo ne, interpretasaun ba statementu husi Chefe Negosiador Timor-Leste nian Maun Bot Xanana Gusmao no Ministra Estranzeiro Australia nian Julie Bishop, husik hela perguntas barak atu responde. Haktuir deklarasaun Maun Bot Xanana Gusmao:

“Hau fo obrigadu ba komisaun nebe resolve ho sira nian kunyesementu hodi halibur parte rua hamutuk, liu husi tempo naruk ho prosesu nebe susar, apoiu ami hodi atinzi ami nian mehi ba soverania total no finaliza ami nian Fronteira Maritima ho Australia. Buat ne konkordansia historiku ida, nebe marka hela etapa dahuluk husi era foun amizade entre Timor-Leste ho Australia” (Permanent Court Arbitration, 2017,pp1).

Deklarasaun mak kuaze hanesan mos hato’o husi Julie Bishop: “loron Ida ne mak loron nebe importante (Landmark day) ba iha relasaun entre Timor-Leste ho Australia. Konkordansia ida ne apoiu interese nasional husi parte nasaun rua nian, haforsa liu tan relasaun nebe kesi metin entre governu rua no ami nian povu. Hau fo obrigadu ba Komisaun nian papel hodi lori parte rua ba hamutuk” (Permanent Court Arbitration, 2017, Pp2).
  
Deklarasaun rua ne iha ida-idak nian alsersu; mai ita examina statementu rua ne. Husi parte Timor-Leste nian maun bot Xanana Gusmao fiar katak Timor-Leste ne sei atinzi ninian mehi ba “soverania total” nebe bele interpreta katak Timor-Leste sei hetan linha mediana ho linha laterais, ou ho liafuan seluk dehan Timor-Leste ho Australia sei totalmente marka sira nian linha fronteiras maritima. Iha soring seluk, Julie Bishop fiar katak konkordansia ne apoiu nasaun rua nian interese nasional. Saida mak sai hanesan interese nasional ba Australia?
​
Bazeia ba Interese Nasional Australia nian dokumentu ida nebe publika iha loron 14 de Maio 2003, hateten katak Australia iha razaun fundamento walu (8) hodi implementa Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional (AUI). Razaun forte ida mak hakerek iha “Aneksu E husi Tratadu Tasi Timor, katak Kampo Greater Sunrise sei hafahe (Unitised) ba area 20.1% tama iha Area Konjunta Dezenvolvemento Petroleum (JPDA), no area 79.9% entrega ba Australia. Hanesan mos ho provizaun fahe rendementu nebe mak iha tratadu Tasi Timor katak area 20.1% husi kampo Greater Sunrise atribui bai ha JPDA nian laran, no 90% rendementu husi rekursu naturais refere tama ba Timor-Leste, no 10% fo ba Australia” (Journal of the Senate, 2003), dokumentu kumpletu bele aksesu iha La’o Hamutuk nian website (Government of Australia, 2007).   
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Hanesan mensiona iha leten, Tratadu Tasi Timor 2002 hamosu aneksu E no Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional (AUI) spesifikamente hakerek detailho iha Aneksu E. dokumentu ne asina iha loron 6 de Marsu 2003 husi eis Ministro Estranzeiro Australia nian Alexander Downer no mos eis Ministra Estado da Konsellu Ministros Sra. Dra. Ana Pesoa. Akordu ne validu iha loron 23 de Fevreiru 2007 hafoin ratifika husi Parlemento Nasional Timor-Leste nian, nebe asina husi Eis-Presidente do Parlamento Nasional Dr. Francisco Guterres Lu Olo, nebe agora hanesan Presidente da Republika. Dokumentu ne esklarese detailho area 20.1% ho 79.9% nebe hafahe Kampo Sunrise ho Troubador entre nasaun rua, no buat ne esplika iha artigu 7 iha kraik:

ARTIGU 7
Liafuan ‘Apportionment’ bele interpreta = (distribuisaun)

Distribuisaun Unidade Petroleum

Produsaun Petroleum husi Posu (Reservoirs) tenke distribui entre JPDA ho Australia bazeia ba rasio 20.1% ba JPDA no 79.9% ba Australia.

Bazeia ba artigu numero 4: Rasio 79.9% laos deit inklui reservoirs ninian luan, no mos rendementu husi kampo refere maibe mos inklui kontrola rekursu naturais ho lei no regulamento Australia nian, (IUA, 2003, Pp 4). Mesmo Australia uza razaun ne, Timor-Leste bele koko explora Artigu numero 8 hodi kontra hasoru artigu numero 7 nebe hakerek iha Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional nian laran nudar posibilidade ida hodi halo mudansa bai ha distribuisaun kampo Greater Sunrise,   

ARTIGU 8
Artigu numero 8, Paragraf 1. deskreve posibilidade hodi halo re-distribuisaun (Reapportionment) ba iha Unidade Petroleum iha kampo Greater Sunrise. No area 20.1% ho 79.9% bele iha mudansa sekuandu:

“Alinea (a). Parte Australia ka Timor-Leste hatama proposta ba kompania Operador nebe mak bele redetermina rasio distribuisaun (Apportionment ratio).

 Alinea (b). Australia ho Timor-Leste konkorda hamutuk hodi minimiza numeros rasio distribuisaun nebe evalua tiha ona.  

Alinea (c). Kualker redeterminasaun husi rasio distribuisaun sei labele akontese iha tinan lima (5) nian laran, maibe iha eksepsaun katak redeterminasaun sei bele akontese iha fulan sanulu resin rua (12) nian laran wainhira produsaun husi kampo minarai komesa tiha ona.

Alinea (d.) Kompania Operador so utiliza deit software nebe mak komersiamente publiku bele aksesu atu hodi redetermina Rasio Distribuisaun. So uza dadus nebe governu rua iha atu sai hanesan data (date) ka evidensia, no kompania Operador sei utiliza hanesan proposta hodi halo redeterminasaun, no dadus sira hotu nebe analiza tiha ona hodi redetermina rasio distribuisaun sei entrega fila fali ba governua rua hamutuk ho sira nian proposta. Kompania Operador tenke uza razaun sira hotu nebe forte atu hodi kumpleta redeterminasaun ho durasaun tempu loron atus ida rua nulu (120) nian laran.  

Alinea (e). Kualker mudansa mak akontese iha rasio distribuisaun nebe hamosu husi proposta redeterminasaun bazeia ba subparagraph (a) sei iha afektu wainhira konkorda husi Autoridade Regulatorio ou, sekuandu refere ba determinasaun peritus nian, no sekuandu peritus halo desizaun final.

 Alinea (f). Kualker mudansa mak akontese iha Rasio Distribuisaun (Apportionment Ratio) tenke iha Retrospective, no tenke iha ajustamentu ba recivus no gastus sira hotu.

Paragraf (2) Se karik paragrah 1, Australia ka Timor-Leste hatama proposta hodi hare fila fali (review) Rasio Distribusaun. Hanesan ninian kontinuasaun husi review, Rasio Distribuisaun parese sei iha alterasaun husi konkordansia entre Australia ho Timor-Leste.” (IUA, 2003, Pp5).

Alinea A deklara katak Kualker Australia ka Timor-Leste bele hatama proposta ba Kompania Operador, iha kazu ne Kompania Woodside mak sai hanesan Operador hodi halo redeterminasaun bai ha Rasio Distribuisaun. Maibe hanesan ita hotu hatene katak, Timor-Leste ladun iha relasaun diak ho kompania Woodside relasiona ho debate kona ba kestaun Pipeline, nebe’e Timor-Leste hakarak kadoras ne bele dada mai iha Futuru Plantasaun LNG nian iha Be Asu, duke aseita proposta husi Woodside nian uza deit mekanismu (Floating LNG) Plantasaun LNG nebe namlele deit iha tasi leten. Perguntas mak ne, Bele ka Australia mak hatama proposta hodi halo alterasaun ba Rasio Distribuisaun?

Iha posibiliadade atu hodi aplika Alinea B, sekuandu parte husi nasaun rua hakarak teb-tebes atu aumenta sira nian kuantidade produsaun, signifika Alinea ida ne seidauk bele aplika wainhira faze produsaun seidauk komesa. Hakerek-Nain hanoin katak; Sei la atu rasional ba parte rua atu konkorda halo mudansa sekuandu fo benefisiu deit bai ha parte ida.

Maibe iha dunik lojiku (make sense) husi Alinea C, katak Kompania Operador persija tempu tinan lima atu hodi examina proposta dokumentu sira hotu molok re-determina Rasio Distribuisaun.
Kompania Operador so deit uza Software nebe komersialmente public bele aksesu atu hodi examina no redetermina Rasio. Maibe iha kestaun ne, parte ida iha liu vantazem hodi aksesu software teknolozia kompara ho parte seluk.

Timor-Leste parese iha oportunidade uza Artigu numero 8 hodi kontra Artigu numero 7. Artigu numero 8 bele mos sei favorese Timor-Leste, maibe parte rua sei persija nafatin halo amandamentu ba Artigu numero 2, hanesan tuir mai iha kraik:

ARTIGU 2
Sei la Perjudika (Without prejudice)

Paragraf (1) Sei laiha buat ida mak tama iha Akordu ne, Sei laiha lei seluk mak aplika wainhira Akordu ne implementa tiha ona, ou hanesan konsikuensia husi Akordu ne, sei laiha lei seluk mak aplika iha Area Unidade sira nebe deside tiha ona husi Akordu ne:  

Alinea (a) Bele interpreta perjudika ou afekta pozisaun kualker Australia ou Timor-Leste nian mak hanesan direitu hodi reklama sira nian kestaun Fronteira Maritima; no

Alinea (b) bele mos bazeia ba sira nian argumentus (basis for asserting), suporta, nega, ou limita pozisaun kualker Australia ou Timor-Leste mak iha relasaun ho reklamasaun ba Fronteira Maritima, (IUA, 2003, Pp3).   

Artigu numero 2 klaru sei la fo dalan ba Timor-Leste ho Australia atu hodi reclama sira nian direitu ba Fronteira Maritima. Sekuandu parte rua hakarak altera Artigu ne, sira tenke halo tuir Artigu 26 nebe koalia kona ba oinsa maneija disputa (Settlement of Disputes), hanesan tuir mai ne:

ARTIGU 26
Maneija Disputa  

Paragraf (1) Kualker disputa kona ba interpretasaun ou aplikasaun husi Akordu ne tenke ser iha posibilidade hodi halo konsultasaun ou negosiasaun.

Paragraf (2) relasiona ho paragraf (3), sekuandu disputa sei labele resolve ho maneira mak spesifikamente hateten tiha ona iha paragraf (1) ou kualker prosedur mak konkorda tiha ona, kazu mak disputa bele hatama husi kualker governu rua, bai ha Tribunal Arbitrazen, nebe mak eskreve tiha ona iha aneksu IV husi Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional ne.

Paragraf (3) sekuandu iha kazu disputa mai husi proposta mak relasiona ho redeterminsaun Rasio Distribuisaun husi Artigu numero 8, paragraph (1) ou relasiona ho oinsa sukat (Concerning the measurement) nebe artikula iha Artigu numero 24, husi kuantidade gas no likuidu, Timor-Leste ho Australia tenke aponta peritus ida hodi determina kestaun refere. Governu rua iha tempo loron nen nulu (60) atu hodi notifika ba malun kona ba kestaun disputa, no koko atu iha konkordansia kona ba apontamentu peritus refere. Sekuandu, durante period ne mak la hetan konkordansia, governu rua tenke halo tuir procedural mak spesifika tiha ona iha Aneksu V. Peritus nebe aponta tiha ona tenke halao ninian servisu bazeia ba termus mak iha Aneksu V. Peritus nian desizaun mak final ona, no iha ninian (binding) ou iha lian Indonesia dehan (Ikatan Hukum), ka ita bele dehan iha ninian (Pezo Legal) ba iha Governu rua no mos bai ha Sunrise Joint Ventures, Desizaun husi peritus ne mos bele rezerva hela ba iha eventu ruma mak failha ka bai ha erru ruma mak mosu. (IUA, 2003, Pp13).  
  
Sekuandu, kualker parte rua hakarak aplika saida mak iha paragraph 1, bele ka parte rua iha tempu mak sufisiente atu hodi halo konsultasaun no negosiasaun, wainhira konsidera hela deit fulan ida atu hodi hetan konkordansia final? No sekuandu disputa la konsege resolve bazeia ba dalan mak spesifika tiha ona iha paragraph 1, hakarak ka parte rua hahu’u fila fali rejistu kazu foun iha Tribunal Arbitrazen? Hare’e ba tempu no rekursu mak parte rua gasta tiha ona iha prosesu konsiliasaun nebe mak lao dadaun ne, bele kalae parte rua iha vontade atu halo dala ida tan? No sekuandu iha disputa mak relasiona ho kuantidade gas no likuidu, parte rua sei aponta peritus ida atu hodi deside bazeia ba regulamentu no procedural ma iha Aneksu V; Hare’e ba esperensia, iha inisiu husi prosesu konsiliasaun, Ministra Estranzeiro Australia nian Julie Bishop kestiona kapabilidade komisaun nian wainhira atu implementa servisu komisaun nian hodi resolve kazu ne. Sekarik kestaun hanesan mak mosu tan fali, Australia bele respeita kalae peritus ne?  

Konkluzaun

Atiklu ne analiza tiha ona detailhamente kualker posibilidade ba Timor-Leste hodi konfronta Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional (AUI),  nebe mak dezenha hodi fo benefisiu deit ba parte ida, iha kazu ne mak Australia. Hakerek-Nain fiar katak parte rua parese sei hetan desizaun final liu husi dalan ignora reklamasaun ba direitu Fronteira Maritima no sei adere nafatin ba iha distribuisaun (Apportionment) original mak iha Aneksu E. Bele mos parte nasaun rua hetan konkordansia atu hodi komesa explorasaun liu husi meius adopta fila fali ‘Solusaun Kreativa’ nebe fahe profits 50:50 porsentu. Iha kazu ne parte rua Timor-Leste ho Australia hakarak teb-tebes (desperately) atu komesa dezenvolvementu Kampo Greater Sunrise ho razaun Timor-Leste nian minarai husi Kampo Bayu Undan komesa maran dadaun ona, no Australia nian fasilidade plantasaun LNG iha Wickham Point-Darwin mos sei bele abandona iha tinan hirak mai ne tamba laiha supply gas.

Referensia

Government of Australia., 2003. ‘Australian National Interest’, available at http://www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/Boundary/2002/IUAnia.pdf

International Unitisation Agreement., 2003. Available at http://www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/Boundary/IUA.pdf

Permanent Court of Arbitration, 2017., ‘Conciliation between the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste and the Commonwealth of Australia’, Press Release, No 9, 31st of September 2017. Available at https://pcacases.com/web/sendAttach/2230
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The Parliament Of The Commonwealth Of Australia., 2003. ‘Australian National Interest’, Journal of The Senate. No 76. 14 May 2003. Available at http://www.aph.gov.au/binaries/senate/work/journals/2003/jnlp_076.pdf
 
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The Critical Review of International Unitisation Agreement (IUA) Signed by Timor-Leste and Australia on 6 of March 2003

9/5/2017

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 A Critical Review of International Unitisation Agreement (IUA) Signed by Timor-Leste and Australia on 6 of March 2003

by Tomas Freitas

On 1 September 2017 in Copenhagen, Denmark, the Permanent Court of Arbitration called a press conference to update the results of the conciliation between Timor-Leste and Australia. According to the announcement both parties are to be congratulated on their achievements. However, an interpretation of the statements from the Timor-Leste chief negotiator Xanana Gusmao and Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop, leave more questions to be answered. As per Xanana Gusmao:

“I thank the commission for its resolve and skill in bringing the parties together, through a long and at times difficult process, to helps us achieve our dream of full sovereignty and to finally settle our maritime boundaries with Australia. This is an historic agreement and marks the beginning of a new era in Timor-Leste’s friendship with Australia” (Permanent Court Arbitration, 2017,pp1)

A similar declaration was spoken by Julie Bishop: “This is a landmark day in the relationship between Timor-Leste and Australia. This agreement, which supports the national interest of both our nations, further strengthens the long-standing and deep ties between our Governments and our people. I thank the commission for its role in bringing both parties together” (Permanent Court Arbitration, 2017, pp2).

Both declarations seem to have their own foundation; let’s examine these statements. On the Timor-Leste side Xanana Gusmao is very confident that the country will achieve the dream of “full sovereignty” which can be interpreted that Timor will have a median line and lateral lines, or in other words that Timor-Leste and Australia will fully draw the lines for their maritime borders. On the other hand, Julie Bishop believes that the agreement has supported both of the national interests. What is the meaning of national interest for Australia?

According to the Australian National Interest document which was tabled on 14 May 2003, Australia has eight fundamental reasons for implementing the International Unitisation Agreement (IUA). One of the essential reasons is that “under Annex E of the Timor Sea Treaty, the Greater Sunrise field is to be unitised on the basis that 20.1% of the fields are located within the JPDA, the remaining 79.9% being attributed to Australia. In line with the general revenue-sharing provisions of that treaty, of the 20.1% of the Greater Sunrise field attributed to the JPDA, 90% of the Petroleum Resources and therefore revenue goes to East Timor, with 10% going to Australia”. (Journal of the Senate, 2003) full document can be read on the Lao Hamutuk website, (Government of Australia, 2003). 
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As mentioned above, the Timor Sea Treaty 2002 generated the Annex E and the International Unitisation Agreement (IUA) specifies in detail about Annex E. The document was signed on 6 of March 2003 by the former minister of Foreign Affairs Alexander Downer and the former Minister of the Council of Ministers Ana Pesoa. The agreement entered into force on 23 February 2007 after the Timor-Leste National Parliament ratified it on 21 February 2007 and it was signed by the former Speaker of the Parliament Francisco Guterres Lu Olo, currently President of Timor-Leste. The files detail the 79.9/20.1 split of the Sunrise and Troubadour fields between the two countries, which is clearly explained in Article 7 below:

ARTICLE 7
Apportionment of Unit Petroleum
Production of Petroleum from the Unit Reservoirs shall be apportioned between the JPDA and Australia according to the Apportionment Ratio 20.1:79.9, with 20.1% apportioned to the JPDA and 79.9% apportioned to Australia.

The ratio of 79.9% not only includes the size of reservoirs and the revenue from the fields but also controls the natural resources with all Australian laws and regulations as stated in the Article number 4, which concerns Application of Laws (IUA, 2003, pp 4). However, Timor-Leste could try to explore Article number 8 to challenge Article number 7 of the IUA, as one of the possibilities to change the apportionment of the Greater Sunrise fields.

ARTICLE 8
Article number 8 describes the possibilities of Reapportionment of Units of Petroleum in the Greater Sunrise fields. The ratios of 20.1% and 79.9% could change if:

“(a) Either Australia or Timor-Leste may request the Unit Operator to undertake a redetermination of the Apportionment Ratio.  

(b) Australia and Timor-Leste shall have regard to the desirability of minimising the number of reviews of the Apportionment Ratio. 

(c) Any redetermination of the Apportionment Ratio shall not occur within five (5) years of any prior redetermination, except that a redetermination may occur within twelve (12) months of the commencement of production from the Unit Reservoirs. 

(d) The Unit Operator shall use only commercially available software in a redetermination of the Apportionment Ratio.  Only data that is available to both Governments as at the date the redetermination is requested shall be utilised by the Unit Operator and all data and analyses pursuant to the Unit Operator’s proposal for the redetermined Apportionment Ratio shall be provided to both Governments with the proposal.  The Unit Operator shall use all reasonable endeavours to complete the redetermination within 120 days. 

(e) Any change to the Apportionment Ratio arising from a redetermination requested under subparagraph (a) has effect when it is agreed by the Regulatory Authorities or, if referred to an expert for determination, when the expert makes a final decision. 

(f) Any change to the Apportionment Ratio shall be retrospective and past receipts and expenditures shall be adjusted. 

(2) Notwithstanding paragraph 1, either Australia or Timor-Leste may request a review of the Apportionment Ratio.  Following such a review, the Apportionment Ratio may be altered by agreement between Australia and Timor-Leste.” (IUA, 2003, pp5)

Point A states that either Australia or Timor-Leste may request the Unit Operator, in this case Woodside, to undertake a redetermination of the Apportionment Ratio. However, Timor-Leste does not have a good relationship with Woodside because of the debate about the pipeline, which Timor-Leste wants to be located at the future Bee-Asu LNG rather than the floating LNG proposed by the Unit Operator. The question is will Australia comply with a request to change the apportionment ratios?

It is possible to apply point B, if both parties desperately want to increase their production, which means that this point cannot be undertake while production has not yet started. It doesn’t make sense for both parties to agree to changes which would benefit just one party.  

But It does make sense for point C, that the Unit Operator needs five years to examine all the requests and proposals before re-determining the apportionment ratios.

The Unit Operator shall use only commercially available software for examining and redetermination of the ratios. However, one party has more advanced technology software than the other party.   
    
Timor-Leste may have a chance to counter Article number 7 by using Article number 8. Although it may be favourable for Timor-Leste to apply article number 8, still both parties would have to amend another Article which is Article number 2, as stated below:  

ARTICLE 2
 Without prejudice
 (1) Nothing contained in this Agreement, no acts taking place while this Agreement is in force or as a consequence of this Agreement and no law operating in the Unit Area by virtue of this Agreement

 (a) shall be interpreted as prejudicing or affecting the position of either Australia or Timor-Leste with regard to their respective maritime boundaries or rights or claims thereto; and

 (b) may be relied on as a basis for asserting, supporting, denying or limiting the position of either Australia or Timor-Leste with regard to their respective maritime boundaries or rights or claims thereto, (IUA, 2003, pp 3).

Article number 2 clearly does not allow Timor-Leste and Australia to claim their maritime boundary rights. If either party wishes to alter an article, they must follow Article 26 which about Settlement of Disputes, as outlined below:

ARTICLE 26
Settlement of Disputes
 (1) Any disputes about the interpretation or application of this Agreement shall be, as far as possible, settled by consultation or negotiation.

 (2) Subject to paragraph (3), if a dispute cannot be resolved in the manner specified in paragraph (1) or by any other agreed procedure, the dispute shall be submitted, at the request of either Government, to an Arbitral Tribunal set out in Annex IV.

(3) If a dispute arises concerning a proposal for a redetermined Apportionment Ratio pursuant to Article 8(1) or concerning the measurement, pursuant to Article 24, of quantities of gas and liquids, an expert shall be appointed by Australia and Timor-Leste to determine the matter in question.  The two Governments shall, within 60 days of notification by either of them of such a dispute, try to reach agreement on the appointment of such an expert.  If, within this period, no agreement has been reached, the procedures specified in Annex V shall be followed.  The expert appointed shall act in accordance with the terms of Annex V.  The expert’s decision shall be final and binding on both Governments and on the Sunrise Joint Venturers, save in the event of fraud or manifest error. (IUA, 2003, pp 13)

If either party wishes to apply point number one, will they have enough time for consultation and negotiation considering there is only one month left to reach a final agreement? And if the dispute cannot be resolved as specified in point number 1, will both parties start again by registering a new case at the arbitration tribunal? Considering resources and timing, would they be willing to do this again? And if the dispute is in relation to the quantities of gas and liquids, both parties must appoint an expert to act in accordance with the rules and procedures of Annex V; however, at the beginning of this conciliation process, the Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop questioned the capability of the commission to exercise their mandate to pursue this case. If it comes to it, will Australia respect the experts? 

Conclusion

This paper has analysed in detail any possibilities for Timor-Leste to challenge the IUA; however, the IUA has been designed to benefit one party, which in this case is Australia. The writer believes that both parties may reach a final agreement by ignoring the claims for a maritime boundary and sticking to the original apportionment of ANNEX E. it could also be that both countries just agree to commence exploration by re-adopting the “creative solution” which is a 50:50 share of profits. in this case both Timor-Leste and Australia desperately want to commence the development of Greater Sunrise because Timor-Leste has almost exhausted revenue from Bayu-Undan and Australia’s Wickham Point LNG storage facility might be abandoned in coming years without a supply of gas.  
 
References

Government of Australia., 2003. ‘Australian National Interest’, available at http://www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/Boundary/2002/IUAnia.pdf

International Unitisation Agreement., 2003. Available at http://www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/Boundary/IUA.pdf

Permanent Court of Arbitration, 2017., ‘Conciliation between the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste and the Commonwealth of Australia’, Press Release, No 9, 31st of September 2017. Available at https://pcacases.com/web/sendAttach/2230
​
The Parliament Of The Commonwealth Of Australia., 2003. ‘Australian National Interest’, Journal of The Senate. No 76. 14 May 2003. Available at http://www.aph.gov.au/binaries/senate/work/journals/2003/jnlp_076.pdf
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Comparative Study of Social Audit Program between Timor-Leste and India

7/31/2017

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Comparative Study of Social Audit Program between Timor-Leste and India
By Tomas Freitas

Introduction
The Social Audit concept according to Gahlot Sushmita (2013) was introduced by Theodore Kerps in the 1940s, when he called on companies to acknowledge responsibility towards citizens. The term of Social was proposed by Howard R Bowen in 1953, in his article on “Social Responsibilities of a businessman”, or in other words making business more accountable to the community. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of responsibility has shifted from company to state or from corporation to government. These days most companies are responsible to their shareholders and government is accountable to their tax payers, meaning their own citizens or communities.   
 
The Social Audit is a mechanism to hold government accountable, and has been considered a very effective instrument for the participation of communities and people from rural and urban areas. The tools of Community Score Cards (CSRs) and Citizens Report Cards (CRCs) have provided very detailed information regarding the guarantee of good quality of public services from the levels of input, output, outcome and impact (The World Bank, 2007). In addition to the Social Audit, there are some other mechanisms which have been compiled with the state system, such as with regard to the rules of parliament for the monitoring of budget expenditure; the responsibility of the ombudsman to investigate corruption cases, the task of the inspector general for auditing mismanagement inside the civil service, and also including some other watchdog organisations that monitor government systems. The question is, if these systems are already in place, why then do we still need a Social Audit process?
 
This paper will analysis the concepts of social audits in India under Andhra Pradesh government and in Timor-Leste under Dr. Rui Maria de Araujo government, as well as will assess the implementations of the program in both countries.
 
Background
Historically, the evolution of Social Audit in India was pioneered by a local NGO, namely Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) in Rajasthan. In Hindi the social audits is called “Jan
Sunwaias” or “People’s Hearings”, which is basically a public hearing attended by two sides, the service providers and the communities who have benefited from that particular government program. The process is simple - obtaining the information about approved budget documents, and then gathering elected representatives, local government officials and the community which is supposed to benefit from the program. At the meeting the facilitator reads aloud the list of projects or program and the concerned beneficiaries are asked whether they have actually received the proposed benefit from the program (Singh & Vutukuru, 2009).
 
In Timor-Leste, in order to implement the Social Audit program as per its mission, Prime Minister of Timor-Leste, DR Rui Maria de Araújo and the director of FONGTIL, Arsenio Pereira da Silva have signed a Memorandum of Understanding between the VI Constitutional Government and FONGTIL on 25 May 2015. The MoU referred to the agreement of a partnership for the implementation of a social audit program in Timor-Leste. According to Article 6 of the MoU, the Government and FONGTIL agreed to give particular attention to conducting a social audit in the priority sectors of Agriculture, Education, Basic Infrastructure and Health. The MoU also does not limit the possibility of civil society organisations to assign social audits in other sectors as long as it is based on the objectives and principles of the MoU, which has been described under Section 5 of the MoU.
 
In India, under Andhra Pradesh government, they have program is called The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) which is established under department of rural development. The Scheme aims to enhance livelihood security in rural areas especially for unskilled labor, this package ensures 100 days of employment at the minimum salary rate of rural households (Sushmita, 2013). Based on this arrangement, features for rural employment should include (i) water conservation (ii) afforestation and three plantations (iii) irrigation canals including micro and minor irrigation works (iv) provision of irrigation facility which belongs to land owned by castes and tribes (v) renovation of traditional water storage including desilting of tanks (vi) Land cultivation (vii) flood control (viii) rural roads including footpaths; and (ix) any other work which may be noticed by central government in consultation with state government (Ministry of Law and Justice, 2005).  
 
Demographics
According to the World Bank Group database in 2015 India had a total population of 1.3 billion, and of that number 270 million are poor, which means 1 person in every 5 Indians are poor, while 80% of the poor live in rural areas. Indian demographics are challenging and elements of corruption undermine the idea of social welfare, with citizens complaining of delays in or not receiving payments at all, no record of databases, and corrupt officials with bribes. According to the Transparency International Index of 2017 India’s Corruption Perceptions Index in 2016 ranked 79 of 176 and for the Bribe Payers Index in 2011 India was 19 of 28.
 
Timor-Leste with 1.2 million populations, and each population living under 50 cents US Dollar per/day, and according to portal Transparency International, Timor-Leste Corruption Perceptions Index of 2016 rank 101 out of 176 countries, according to last Human Development report, Timor-Leste ranked 128 out of 187 countries, and almost 50 percent of the population was estimated living in poverty and 70 percent of total labor force are considerable in danger (World bank, 2013), Timor-Leste also considered as the third-worst score on the 2014 Global Hunger Index, which already on stage “extremely alarming” (International Food Policy Research Institute 2014). According to the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators, in 2014 Timor-Leste ranked 21.5 out of 100 with respect to control of corruption. Timor-Leste also have weakness in rule of law were has scoring the country 10 out of 100 on both indicators, but on the other hand voice of accountability appeared relatively strong and receiving 51.7 out of 100 (World Bank 2014). 
 
The Legal Frameworks
The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) has been granted by a decree-law produced by the Indian ministry of Law and Justice, which is known as The National Rural Development Guarantee Act, No. 42/2005. Sections 17.2 and 17.3 clearly define the competence of Social Audits in conducting regular monitoring for all the projects under the scheme (Ministry of Law & Justice, 2005). The India government believes that the social audits will enable the rural communities to monitor and analysis the quality, durability and usefulness of the scheme, as well as mobilizing the awareness and enforcement on their rights.
In Timor-Leste to implement the social audit initiative, the Prime Minister has established the Social Audit Unit under Prime Minister Office. The Unit legally has been granted under the organic law of the Prime Minister’s Office which is in Section 6 of Diploma Ministerial No. 28/2015. According to the organic law, the Social Audit Unit has the following competencies such as; #coordinating with other government departments to collect all the information necessary for the completion of social audit activities, functioning as a single information entry point, #Undertaking information verification activities before sending respective ministries or non-governmental organizations, #Conducting coordination, within internal Government, with the relevant ministries in the context of social audit, as well as, #Coordinating communication with relevant external bodies, including with non-governmental organizations through the National Social Audit Network, in accordance with the rules in force, and, #Disseminating the social audit initiatives, in coordination with relevant partners.
 
Implementing Institutions
In India, the Social Audits program is implemented by an independent body called Society for Social Audit, Accountability and Transparency (SSAAT). This institution has been created independently by the Department of Rural Development, under the government of Andhra Pradesh (Department of Rural Development, 2009). Some researchers have concluded that there are some reasons behind the successful implementation of the Social Audit program inside the MGNREGS, and those reasons are includes (i) The SSAAT has been setting up as independent society and backed by very strong rules (ii) It has an independent budget (iii) Complete autonomy from government control, and its own ability to select a non-government person as a director (Sushmita, 2013, and The Guardian, 2012).

Structure and coordination of Society for Social Audit, Accountability and Transparency

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At the top level the social audit process is coordinated by the director of SSAAT, and it has joint directors which is composed of several key directors from its projects; then under the Joint Directors, it has seven members of State Team Monitors which are from each states; these team monitors are publicly recruited based on minimum post-graduate qualifications, minimum five to ten year’s experience as a social audit activist/social work area or three years experiences in the area of state resources (Ministry of Rural Development, 2009).
 
The role of the resource person includes coordinating and facilitating the social audit process in the allotted district, identification and provision of training to Village Social Auditors (VSA), and providing support to the VSA’s during the social audit process. Resource persons are based in up to 700 districts in 70 states. The resource person is initially drawn from civil society organisations and unions, and to become a candidate she/he must be an undergraduate, have a minimum age and have a minimum of two years work experience in social audit, or as a district resource person (DRP).  To be a candidate for a DRP it is also necessary to have some minimum qualifications and demographics (Ministry of Rural Development, 2009). 
 
In Timor-Leste the Social Audit initiative implementing by the Social Audit Unit, which is established under the Prime Minister Office and the unit has around ten staff which some of them civil servants and some are the political appointed. The unit have some target to be achieve such as, the unit has to: “# guarantee that citizens can obtain adequate, accurate and timely information, regarding the practices of transparency, efficiency, efficacy, and public participation, as a means for the public to be able to measure the performance of services, # provide assistance to civil servants to further improve their work and to improve the quality of public services, # facilitate civil society organisations, in their areas of interest, with the aim of assisting the government and its beneficiaries, # not seek to blame civil servants, but rather to evaluate the performance of institutions in terms of social, environmental and community objectives, # provide an assessment of the non-financial impacts through systematic and regular monitoring, based on the opinions of partners”. This is based on the MoU, Section 2, signed by the Prime Minister and the director of FONGTIL.  
 
For the mission to succeed, under Section 10 of the MoU, the government has to commit to several responsibilities including: (a) responsible for the provision and guarantee of Policy Support, for implementation of the Social Audit activities through the whole country of Timor-Leste. (b) Responsible for the guarantee of Access to Information such as legislations, project documents, access to interviews and strategic and annual action plan documents. (c) Provision of all Technical Support for social audit activities. (d) Guarantee of financial support for capacity building activities for members of FONGTIL and other organisations. (e) Obligation to integrate Social Audit Recommendations into government development policies in accordance with the government annual budget plan.  
 
  
General Structure of Social Audit Unit
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​The structure above represented the whole system of how the mechanism of Social Audit should be implementing. The whole structure above created based on the Memorandum of Understanding signed on 25 May 2015, between Prime Minister of Timor-Leste, DR Rui Maria de Araújo and the director of FONGTIL, Arsenio Pereira da Silva.
 
Each of lines coordination has specific links between specific actors such as; #line coordination between community or ordinary citizens and the Prime Minister, #Line coordination between community/ordinary citizens and the Social Audit Unit, #Line coordination between community, ReNAS and Social Audit Unit, and #Line coordination between ReNAS, Social Audit Unit and the Focal Points. Please see the paragraphs below which explain each of the line.
 
Line coordination between community/ordinary citizens and the Prime-Minister
The structure above has defined lines connection of the Prime Minister Office with the society. The illustration above has described that the Prime Minister many times has receive direct complaints in written and oral from community and other entities such as civil society group, or individual ordinary citizens. Those entities normally are not satisfied with service delivery performance done by the government. And the mechanism of the complaints normally through sending a written letter directly to the Prime Minister Office and receiving by the chief of staff. And oral complaints usually happening while the Prime Minister visiting community in the municipality and sucos.
 
Line coordination between community/ordinary citizens and the Social Audit Unit
This lines connection have shown that, the community or ordinary citizens can complaint through written or oral directly to the SAU. The links also described that after receiving complaint the SAU has to verify fact and evidence refer to the complaint before make it decision about the case. The same mechanism also applied for complaint that has sent directly to the Prime Minister Office, which is the despacho that comes from the Prime-Minister through the chief of staff, has to be verify by the Social Audit Unit before addresses the problem or case.
 
Line coordination between community, ReNAS and Social Audit Unit
Based on the Memorandum of Understanding between the FONGTIL and the Government, the FONGTIL will provide capacity building to community in order to conduct a social audit program and activity. Through the link the community will get skills and hopefully will canalize their audits back to ReNAS and the FONGTI will following-up to Social Audit Unit, and the unit will try find solution for it.
 
Line coordination between ReNAS, Social Audit Unit and the Focal Points
If there is any case that has been found by civil society through audits activities, ReNAS will following-up with Social Audit Unit and the Unit will contacting the relevance ministries via focal points to address the issues. Vise-versa if the focal point would like to provide any official documents, it would necessary to go through the Unit for registering before handling-out the documents.
The assembly above have shown that the Social Audit Unit has play the key role in order to link the whole structure from the top level of Prime Minister Office down to community as ultimate beneficiary of the public service delivery. The Social Audit Unit has to facilitate communication between four priorities ministerial lines as mentioned above and the civil society groups, the Unit also has to make sure the case that has been upload by community through ReNAS has to be addresses by the government. The Unit also has to make sure all the cases have to be verified before reporting to the Prime Minister. 
 
The vision and mission above has states clearly that the goodwill of Social Audit program has to be executing together between government and civil society. Please have a look the table below, which described some of similarities about the implementation of Social Audit program between Timor-Leste and India.
 
Similarities between India and Timor-Leste
There are similarities between the social audit process in India and in Timor-Leste.
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Both India and Timor-Leste both have a legal framework for social audits, as well as a special unit or institution to conduct the audit; they each work collaboratively with civil society groups, but have chosen different sectors to focus on; for example India just focuses on rural development for its social audit processes while Timor-Leste focuses on four specific sectors including education, health, basic infrastructure and agriculture. They have both used the same tools for conducting the social audit program i.e. the Community Score Card and Citizens Report Card.
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The Civil Society in Timor-Leste
There are only few numbers of civil society groups are focus on this issue, and they have doing the social audit works since 2005 before the Prime Minister announced the idea. Those few NGOs are includes; Luta Hamutuk, Mata Dalan Institute, Luta Ba Futuru, Knua Haberan Komunidade, Fundasaun Ba Los, Hasatil and others, and most of them has focus on basic infrastructure delivery such as; roads, bridges, clinics, schools, clean water supply and electricity. So what is making different after the Social Audit Unit has been established? Well, before the VI constitutional government officially announced the engagement with the civil society groups in 2015, those NGOs as mentioned above, some of them already have good relationship with some line-ministerial, and they have access to some of important documents likes Bill of Quantity. Those NGOs have working together with the local media in many issues has published the works that has been done by the NGOs, for instances trough press conference and editorials, with the media the NGOs have successfully advocate their issues into public, and many of complains has been addressed by the governments. The difference with the Social Audit Unit, some of the NGOs has complaints that the Unit doesn’t have competence and power to ensure the relevance ministers to obey the social audit rules. Other complaints are says, that the Unit has hold up many cases and taking so long to response it. 
The NGOs in Timor-Leste also needs some financial support in order to largely scale the programs in the whole territory, because at the moment they only doing few projects from in different municipalities.
The implementing bodies in India are conducting by staff of Society for Social Audits, Accountability and Transparency (SSAAT) which lead by an independent director with NGOs background, and plus others seven directors and 700 hundreds districts resources person that from civil society background as well. Now in Timor-Leste it’s around 30-50 people from 3-5 NGOs that working in the social audits program, if NGOs in Timor-Leste can get some funding and recruits more people up to 700 people like in India, believe or not, we can see the progress.             
 
Challenges
Even though legally guarantee under the ministerial diploma, but still the unit itself has some limitation in order to guarantee some delivery documents because some of line-ministerial do not really cooperated with this initiative. The documents in this situation, means document that has been requested by some NGOs, for example such as Bill of Quantity (BOQ) documents from some projects that owned by some relevance ministries. Some other challenges are includes, some ministers hasn’t yet appoint their own social audit focal points, even though the Prime Minister already asked them to do so. In Timor-Leste the social audit will works if there is a good will come from the minister itself. In spite, some NGOs that has been doing the jobs for number of years, but still many of still needs some training in order to conduct the social audit programs, and those training should be includes of how to identify the tools and how to use it, for examples; Community Score card, Citizens report cards, development check, and others tools that using for collecting data’s and evidences.    
 
Conclusion
This paper has identified some similarities between India and Timor-Leste in order to run the social audit program. And those similarities are includes; legal framework, implementing institutions, and both institutions established under government institution, they have worked closely with civil society groups, and have their own focus sectors and programs, and both institutions also have used some similarities tools for conducting data collection of social audit project. And those institutions that implementing the social audit programs both also have institutional structures, as well as received some funding from their own government. 
 
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Department of Rural Development.,2009. ‘Society for Social Audit, Accountability and Transparency’, retrieved on 23 of August 2016, available at http://www.socialaudit.ap.gov.in/SocialAudit/wages/AboutUs_New.jsp
Eavani, F., Nazari, K., & Emami, M., 2012. ‘Social Audit: From Theory to Practice’, Journal of Applied Sciences Research, Vol 8, No.2, pp 1174-1179. Retrieved 20 of August from; http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/80229605/social-audit-from-theory-practice
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Government of Timor-Leste., 2015. ‘Memorandum de Entendimento Entre Governu Da Republica Democratica De Timor-Leste E Forum ONG Timor-Leste (FONGTIL) – ReNAS Sobre Auditoria Social’.
International Food Policy Research Institute., 2014. ‘Global Hunger Index’, available at http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/ghi/2014/contents.html
 
Ministry of Law & Justice., 2005. ‘The National Rural Development Guarantee Act, No. 42/2005’, retrieved on 20 of August 2016. Available at http://nrega.nic.in/rajaswa.pdf
Ministry of Rural Development., 2013. ‘Transparency and Accountability Initiatives: The NREGS Social Audit Experience in Andhra Pradesh’, Retrieved on 19 of August 2016. Available at
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Tudor, T, A., & Bota-Avram, C.,2015. ‘Social Audit Regulation: Development Challenges and Opportunities’, Springer, Switzerland. Retrieved 19 August 2016, available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/299808816_Social_Audit_Regulation
The World Bank., 2007. ‘Social Accountability Series: Improving Health Service through Community Score Card’, No 1, August 2007. Retrieved on 21 of August 2016. Available at http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/975991468260371061/pdf/415050India0Im1biltiy0no0101PUBLIC1.pdf
The World Bank., 2005. ‘Last Country Assistance Strategy’, available at http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/927031468131984331/pdf/752630CORRIGEN0C0disclosed030260130.pdf
The World Bank., 2015. ‘India’s Poverty Profile’, Retrieved on 19 of August 2016. Available at http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/infographic/2016/05/27/india-s-poverty-profile
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United Nation Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women., 2015. ‘Social Audit in Timor-Leste: A Framework for Social Accountability and Participatory Governance’.
 
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Refleksaun husi Comandante Fidel Castro: Presu husi Lia Los

12/7/2016

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Refleksaun husi Comandante Fidel Castro
Presu husi lia los
Author; Fidel Castro
Tradutor; Tomas Freitas

Iha buat ida mak obriga hau hodi hakerek faktus kona ba eventu seriu balun nebe sei akontese iha tempo mai dadaun ne.

Iha ita nian tempo, ita nudar ema, susar atu gasta tempu tinan sanulu ou sanulu resin lima par hodi enfrenta risku mak lolos, risku nebe mak ema barak lakohi rekunyese. Mesmo nia atu Obama fali ou ema seluk, nia sei la fo tempo atu rekunyese. Hau hateten ida ne husi perspektiva realistiku, so uniku lia-los sei fo ita kontente no dada i’is esperansa nian. Ita tenke enfrenta tempo wainhira ita kolia kona ba kunyesementu. Ita laiha direitu para manipula ema seluk ou manipula ita nian a’an.

Mayoria opiniaun publiku iha kunyesementu naton kona ba risku nebe mai dadaun ne.
Buat ne la simples katak rudal misiles ne aponta hela ba akampomentu militar balun iha Syria neba. Maybe ninian faktus mak ne Corazem husi nasaun ida ne nian, nebe alokadu iha centru muslumano biliaun ida resin, nebe luta ho esperito nebe Proverbial mak kunyesidu ho ‘resiste to mate hodi defende sira nian nasaun’.
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Ema hotu hatene katak Bashar Al-Assad la’os politik nain. Nia estuda medicina, graduadu iha 1988 no especialista iha Ophthalmology. Nia foti pozisaun politiku ne depois de nian aman Hafez Al-Assad, mate iha tinan 2000 no depois insidente grave ida akontese ba ninian maun, molok nia simu kargu ne.

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Membro hotu kedas husi NATO nian, nebe mak halo koaligasaun sein kondisaun (tanpa syarat) ho Estadus Unidos, inklui mos nasaun riku mina nebe halo aliadu ho imperiu sira iha mediu-oriente neba hodi kontinua fornese kombustivel, produtu nebe mak sira fiar sei kontinua akumula durante tinan biliaun ida resin. Maibe, energia nebe produs husi partikel hydrogenetiku nebe hodi halo nuclear, sei mohu iha tinan 60 nulu nian laran, tanba, Konsekuensia husi akumulasaun efeitu gas carbo-dioxida (gas berracun) nebe’e sei kontinua aumenta ho rytmu ida nebe lao makas los, depois de investementu bot husi teknolojia ho ekipamentus.

Buat seluk tan, sei serteza katak wainhira tama iha 2040, iha tinan 27 mai ne, servisu barak iha futuru mai, ijemplu hanesan polisia nian servisu sei ezekuta husi robot sira. Ita bot sira bele imajina tok oinsa ita deskuti ho robot ida, makina komputador nebe bele halo kalkulasaun barak iha minutu ida nian laran. Ne mak faktus ida ita la imajina iha tempo uluk liu ba.

Iha oras balun liu ba, iha loron Segunda, 26 de Agostu, iha relatoriu lubun mak publika husi husi ajensia noticia klasiku balun, nebe kunyesidu hanesan servisu sophistikadu no hetan selu husi Estadus Unidos, komesa desimina informasaun balun mak mai husi Edward Snowden, nebe hateten Snowden tenke hela iha Rusia tanba Cuba agora hetan pressaun husi Estadus Unidos. 

Hau la hatene sekarik iha ema ida iha fatin seluk, mak fo hatene ba Edward Snowden kona ba informasaun klasifikadu hirak ne, tanba ne laos hau nian servisu. Maibe hau le’e no hare’e noticias, livros nebe publika iha mundo. Hau admira korazem no statementu nebe justu hateten husi Edward Snowden, tuir hau nian opiniaun nia selu tusan ona ba mundo, desde nia esklarese buat ladiak kona ba implementasaun politika dihonestidade ou bosok ten, nebe mai husi emperiu mak forca tebes, emperiu nebe sempre hateten lia bosok hodi manipula mundo tomak.

Maibe, hau sei la konkorda ho se-se deit, mesmo que ida ne ninian qualifikasaun servisu, atu koalia e nome Cuba.

Folin husi lia-los. Se mak deklara? Journal ida iha Russian “Kommersant”. Journal ne halo defamasaun saida? Bazeia ba ajensia noticia Reuters, journal Kommersant halo quotasaun bazeia ba fontes balun mak mai husi State Department Estadus Unidos America nian. “razaun mak, iha minutu ikus, Autoridade Cubano officialmente hetan autorizasaun hodi hapara Edward Snowden molok nia sae aviaun Aeroflot”.

Bazeia ba noticia husi journal ne, Snowden toba kalan rua iha Konsuladu Russia iha Hong-Kong wainhira nia deklara ninian intensaun atu semo ba America Latina liu husi Russia.

Sekarik hau hakarak, hau bele koalia kona ba asuntu ne, tamba hau hatene didiak asuntu ne ninian lalaok.

Ohin hau asiste imajem intersante ida Presidente Republika Bolivarian Venezuela nian, Nicolas Maduro, durante ninian vizita iha Ro’o Ahi funu Naval Russia nian nebe halo destakasaun vizita iha Venezuela, depois de vizita tiha Havana ho Nicaragua.

Hau mos admira hare liu husi imajem visual, wainhira presidente Venezuela ba vizita Ro’o-Ahi funu ne. iha imajem ne hatudu movemento radars, kapabilidade monitoriza, abilidade aktividade operasional mak avansadu liu iha Ro’o-Ahi naval ne.

Apar de ida ne, hau mos levanta tiha ona atu halo investigasaun ida husi statement journal ambisiozu “Kommersant”.

Iha kualker tempu, ne hanesan uniku preserve media ida mak halo servisu extreme direita nian mak kontra-revolusionario, nebe mak kontente tebes hare’e oinsa governu konservativu husi London haruka sira nian bombardeio ba bomba baze-aeroportu iha Cyprus, kontente mos hare’e wainhira sira atu lansa sira nian bomba nebe atu hatun forsa patriota sira iha Syria, journal ne mos kontente publika, ema rihun ba rihun nebe’e hetan oho husi author sira nebe halo golpe foer iha Egyptu, nudar rai ida nebe hanesan mos fuan husi mundo arabi nian.

Ida ne mos kontra historia (Backdrop) katak naval ho aero signifika emperiu sira atu prepara lansa sira nian genocida hasoru povu Arabi.

Buat hirak ne malorek los katak Estadus Unidos sei no sempre koko fo presaun ba cuba, hanesan sira halo bain-bain tiha ona iha Nasoens Unidos ou iha instituisaun publiko no privado iha mundo. Ida ne mak identidade ou karakteristik governu husi nasaun ida ne; sei imposible atu hetan expektasaun seluk husi sira. Ida ne mak razaun ita halo resistensia durante tinan 54 nian laran – no ita sei kontinua resisti ba kualker tempu adisional mak sei iha, ita la persija komprimisu wainhira defende ita nian nasaun no konfronta kriminozus bklokeio ekonomia sira nebe mai husi emperiu nebe forte.

Ita nian falansu durante ne mak, ladun konsege estuda barak iha tempu nebe limitadu ne.
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Fidel Castro Ruz,
27 Agostu 2013
8:34Pm
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Versaun original iha lian Inglesh ho titulu “The Tariffed Truth”
fontes: http://en.cubadebate.cu/reflections-fidel/2013/12/23/tariffed-truth/#respond
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Legendario El Comandante Fidel Castro lori cuba survevivo hasoru blokeia ekonomia

11/28/2016

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Legendario El Comandante Fidel Castro
Lori Cuba Survevivo hasoru blokeia ekonomia
Author Tomas Freitas
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Introdusaun

Moris ho naran kumpletu Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz, iha sidade kiik-oan ida naran Biran, povinsia Holguin, Cuba, loron 13 de Agostu 1926. Fidel, iha bin alin nain nen; mane tolu no feto tolu; mane rua seluk mak inklui Ramon, no Raul, no feton nain tolu mak; Angela, Emma no Agustina. Sira nian aman imigrante mak mai husi Spanyol, hela kleur iha Cuba no iha plantasaun bot. nudar ema riku nian oan, tan ne Fidel bele estuda iha eskola privado Jesuita nebe diak, no atende iha kolegio Dolores no kolegiao Belen iha Havana, depois akava tiha kolegio, Fidel kontinua estudu iha fakuldade direito iha Universidade Havana.

Wainhira esstudu iha universidade, Fidel gosta liu joga bola-basket, tebe-bola no bisbol. Alende ne, Fidel mos gosta halimar Catur, iha 1966 Fidel konsege organiza Olimpiade Catur iha Havana, no Fidel konsege halimar catur hasoru pecatur kunyesidu mak hanesan Tigran Petrosian no Bobby Fischer. Hafoin tiha manan revolusaun, Fidel mos promove modalidade seluk mak hanesan, Bola Voley, atletik, Judo, Gulat, Anggar, Boxer no seluk tan.

Haktuir sasin husi Fidel nian alin rasik Ramon Castro, hateten katak sira nian aman fo eskola Fidel iha fakuldade direitu ho intensaun atu aban bain rua, Fidel bele sai advogadu diak ida hodi defende sira nian rai no plantasaun. Maibe realidade hatudu oin seluk, depois remata remata tiha ninian estudu, Fidel aplika lei reforma agraria, nebe’e fahe hotu rai no plantasaun bot ba iha povu no agrikultores nebe mak la iha rai, inklui fahe rasik ninian aman nian plantasaun ba povu kamponeses.

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Vida Aktivista

Moris iha vida aktivista, Fidel komunga tiha ona valor justica social, hahu’u kedas husi tinan 1947-1950, Fidel ba nasaun Republika Dominicana hamutuk ho aktivista sira iha neba hodi luta hatun ditadura Rafael Trujillo, maibe iha momentu neba sira la konsege hatun rejime ditadura ne. Fidel mos iha momentu neba ba Bogota, Columbia hamutuk ho aktivista revolusionariu sira hodi halo demonstrasaun hasoru Governu Columbia iha tempo neba.

Iha tinan 1950 wainhira Fidel kontinua fali ninian estuda iha universidade, situasaun politika Cuba hahu’u manas, movementu iha universitario komesa bok a’an tanba la gosta ho rejime ditadura Ramon Grau (1944-1948) nebe kunyesidu koruptu no represivu. Fidel iha tempu neba involve mos iha movementu ne, ninian kolega sira kunyese Fidel hanesan aktivista mak progresivu no revolusionario. Iha tempo neba, Fidel hetan influensa barak husi ideas-ideas herois Cubano Jose Marti, Fidel mos hola parte nudar membru Partidu Ortodoxo ho ideologia Nasionalista-Esquerda. Partido ne popular los, no iha momentu neba iha prediksaun katak partidu Ortodoxo ne sei manan elisaun iha tinan 1953, maibe molok elisaun Flugencio Batista halo golpe (kudeta) uluk no ukun Cuba ho represivu, no ditadura. Wainhira Batista ukun, partidu hotu nia taka, universidade barak nia hapara, media jornalista sira nian fo presaun para labele koalia, maibe demonstrasaun kontinua nafatin, no paple Fidel nian iha tempu neba halo rekrutamentu ba estudante sira para hola parte iha movementu klandestina. Fidel, ho ninian kompanhero sira komesa organizadu inklui mos aprende kona ba oinsa halo gerilya urbana hasoru rezime ditadura Flugencio Batista.

Nudar Gereleiro

Iha loron 26 de Julio 1953, Fidel hamutuk ho ninian kompanheros atus ida lima nulu resin ba halo atakasaun iha akampomentu military ida iha Moncada, fora husi sidade Santiago. Maibe atakasaun ne falha tiha, Fidel ho ninian kolega sira ema kaer, barak mak hetan tiru mate, no tortura, barak mak hatama ba kadeia inklui Fidel mos. Iha Septembro 1953, Fidel ho ninian kolega sira ema lori ba tribunal, no iha neba, iha Fidel nian pledoi hateten katak “Historia mak sei liberta hau” (History will Absolve Me). Iha testamunha jornalista ida hateten katak, momentu neba, Fidel tuku meja maka’as no hateten “Historia mak sei liberta hau” juiz no procurador sira nonok deit e la koalia liafuan ida. Fidel simu kadeia prizaun ba tinan sanulu-resin lima, hamutuk ho nian alin Raul Castro. Fidel ho Raul tama kadeia ladun kleur tanba iha tinan 1955 Fidel ho ninian compatriotas sira simu Amnestia no livre husi governu Batista. Durante iha kadeia laran, Fidel le’e livro barak nebe’e mak hakerek husi Karl Marx, Lenin, Jose Marti, Freud inklui mos Shakespeare. Hafoin sai husi kadeia, Fidel deside ho Raul halao viagem ba Mexico hodi planu fali sira nian revolusaun, wainhira iha Mexico, Fidel hasoru Ernesto “Che” Guevara, nebe mos iha ideas no ideologia komunismo mak hanesan. Che Guevara, konkorda ho Fidel nian planu no hola parte mos iha asaun hirak mai.

Depois se’es a’an tiha ba Mexico, Fidel ho ninian Compatriotas nain 81 halo planu tama fali mai Cuba uza ro’o bero ida naran “Granma”, maibe planu ne falha tanba hetan atakasaun husi Batista nian ema sira wainhira ro’o Granma ne halo destakasaun, entre sira nain walu nulu resin ida ne, so 21 peasoas deit mak konsege moris, nebe inklui Fidel, Raul no Che, sira nain rua nulu resin ida ne, konsege se’es an ba iha foho Sierra Maestra, iha foho ne Fidel hamutuk ho ninian Compatriotas sira halo akampomentu de baze vermelha, no halao gerilya durante tinan tolu resin, no konsege hatun forca Batista nian iha loron 1 de Janeiro 1959, no loron ne mos kunyesidu hanesan loron revolusaun Cuba nian.

Revolusaun Cuba

Iha fulan Janeiro 1959, provizoriumente governante Cuba lidera husi ema liberal ida naran Manuel Urrutia Lleo, liu tiha fulan ida, iha loron 16 de Fevereiro 1959, Fidel hetan tomada de pose nudar Primeiro Ministro Cubano. Depois simu tiha tomada de pose, Fidel halao vizita ida ba iha nasaun Estadus Unidos, no iha fulan Maio 1959, Fidel fila fali mai Cuba no halo kedas lei ida kona ba reforma agraria. Politika reforma agraria hetan opozisaun maka’as husi konkistador sira (tuan tanah) nebe iha rai no plantasaun bot iha Cuba. Fidel, nian politika fahe rai ba ema rai laiha, rai primeiro mak nia fahe, ninian aman nian plantasaun, nebe Fidel fahe ba kamponeses sira mak rai laiha.

Fidel nian politika reforma agrarian, hetan opzisaun maka’as husi governu Manuel Urrutia, tan ne iha loron 23 de Julio 1959, Povo barak inklui Camponeses sira ezizi Fidel para sae ba Presidente da Republika hodi troka tiha Manuel Urrutia.

Revolusaun iha Cuba la’os deit mak reforma agraria, maibe mos inklui politika elimina analfabeto, nebe depois de revolusaun, Fidel halao programa kampanye “Se’e mak hatene tenke hanorin, no se mak la hatene tenke aprende”. Fidel konsege mobiliza ema sira iha sidade hodi tun hotu ba baze, area rural. Politika kontra analfebetismo ne halao durante fulan 6 nian laran, no wainhira iha tempu kalan sira uza Petro-Max hodi hanorin lee no hakerek ba sira nian povo tomak iha baze neba. Iha tempo rai-loron sira ajuda Agrikultor, Camponeses sira hodi servisu iha to’os no plantasaun.

Revolusaun seluk mak Fidel ho ninian Camarada Companhero sira implementa mak nasionaliza kompania estranzeiro sira, no mos komesa dezenho politika saude no Edukasaun gratuitu, inklui mos promove seitor agrikultura urbana.   

Tentasaun Asasinadu husi CIA

Tanba deit Fidel nian politika revolusionario kontra maka’as ideologia kapitalista, Fidel sai hanesan tarjetu numer 1 husi kualker tentasaun asasinadu nebe organiza husi CIA Estadus Unidos. Durante iha ninian vida moris, iha tentasaun atu oho Fidel hamutuk dala 638, tentasaun hirak ne liu husi; tau veneno iha kaneta (lapizera), tau veneno iha Cerutu mak Fidel gosta fuma, tau veneno iha roupa luku tasi Fidel nian, no buat seluk-seluk tan.

Ajuda liberta nasaun seluk iha Africa

So uniku lider nasaun nian mak orienta ninian forca armada ba funu hodi liberta nasaun seluk mak Fidel Castro. Mais ou menus iha nasaun lubuk ida iha Africa mak hetan apoiu militar direitamente husi Forca Armada Cubano, nasaun hirak ne mak hanesan; Africa do Sul, Algeria, Angola, Congo, Eitophia, Guine-Bissau, Guinea-Equatoria, Libya, Namibia, Sierra-Leonne, Somalia, Zimbabwe, no seluk seluk tan.

Iha tinan 1991, Nelson Mandela, halao vizita ba Cuba, no to’o iha neba, Mandela hato’o obrigado no rekunyese povu Cubano nian apoiu ba Mandela nian grupo nebe’e funu kontra forca rasista Apartheid. Iha tinan 1975, Fidel hato’o orientasaun ba Cuba ninian forca armada ba funu hasoru rejime Apartheid, rejime nebe’e lidera husi Cuito Cuanavale, rejime mak hakarak malae mutin deit mak ukun iha Africa do Sul. Mandela louva tebes ba prinsipio Internasionalism Cuba nian, nebe’e laos koalia deit ho ibun maibe aplika dunik iha pratika.   

Bloku Soviet no Blokeia Ekonomia

Cuba konsege survevivo wainhira Soviet rahun, iha period 1986 Revolusaun Cuba tama iha period Rectifikasaun ba Erru no tendensia Negativu hodi resposta ba stagnasi politika no ekonomia Cuba nian. Rectifikasaun no mudansa ba politika no ekonomia Cuba nian ne akontese hanesan konsekuensia ba Soviet nian manajementu ekonomia no Sistema planeamentu iha Cuba desde 1973. Fidel dissolve tiha Sistema ne, hodi troka fali ho Che Guevara nian ideas, hodi redus exportasaun mas-midar ba fali diversifikasaun produsaun domestiko, ou iha termus ekonomia dehan; redus interese kapitalista nian mak hakarak halo exportasaun liu husi hasae produsaun rai laran. Che Guevara nian ideas prefere liu aumenta atendementu iha parte saude, edukasaun no social nian (Welfare provision) duke servisu maka’as exporta uniku produtu ba rai-liur. Durante bloku Soviet rahun, Cuba nian merkadu exporta mos tun husi $6bn iha 1990 to’o $2bn iha 1993, kresimentu ekonomia mos tun ba 35%, investementu internasional most un ba 80% (Brundenius,a 2002). Krizi hirak ne akontese tanba Estadus Unidos forma blokeia ekonomia hasoru Cuba. 
  
Durante period especial ne, birokrasia estadu Cuba nian halo reforma nebe’e pragmatiku hodi introdus estimulasaun ekonomia ba sira nian povu mak hanesan; #Desentraliza Empressa publiku estadu nian (State Owned Enterprises) nebe fornese kompetensia ba autonomia financeiru, #Entrega 75% rai estadu nian transfere ba kooperativa nebe bele halo produsaun ai-han, #Inisia joint venture ho capital estranjeiru sira, #Introdus moeda dollar iha transaksaun merkadu domestiku, #Promove tourismo lokal, no #Fo licensa ba empressa privada nebe ninian skala-kiik (Brundenius,a 2002).

Iha tempo neba Cuba simu kritika barak husi liur nebe’e hateten katak Cuba implementa ekonomia liberal nian, kritika hirak ne dehan katak reforma ne konsidera sei fo impaktu negative ba mekanismu merkadu mak durante ne establese tiha ona. Maibe Cuba konsege kanaliza idea ”ekonomia liberal” ne ba fali Cuba nian modelu dezenvolvementu socialista nian nebe’e promove; produtu organiku (Organic Farming), tekniku rotasaun hodi produs ai-han (Crop rotation techniques), promove Agrikultura Urbana (Organoponicos), utilizasaun fali biskleta ba servisu, introdus enerjia alternative (solar energy) no promove eco-tourismu (Brundenius,a 2002).  
  
Cuba nudar nasaun socialista depois de Soviet nakfera, no Estadus Unidos halo blokeia ba ekonomia ba sira. Iha periodu ne, Cuba tenke buka parseiru foun hodi introdus sira nian modelu diversifikasaun ekonomia. Cuba konsege konvense investementu husi nasaun liur balun mai iha Cuba, dadus hatudu katak, investementu rai-liur iha tinan 1996 to’o 2000 sae husi miliaun $82 to’o miliaun $400 (Brundenius,b 2002). Iha tinan 2000 Cuba konsege establese 400 joint ventures entre investementu rai liur ho estadu Cubano, nebe iha lei investementu klaru hateten katak Shares (saham) estadu Cubano nian tenke liu 51% kompara ho investidor rai-liur nian. Governu Cubano iha regulamentu que forte, mak entrega kompetensia ba governu ho halo mediasaun entre interese investidor estranjeiros ho interese trabalhadores Cubano sira. Governu Cubano iha regulamentu regirozu tebes, inklui regulamento kona ba pagamento nian, kondisaun trabalhadores nian, no mos iha regulamento mak regulariza impaktu produsaun ba iha enviromento. Investor sira husi nasaun liur mak investe sira nian osan iha tempo neba mak hanesan; Spanyol investe (23%), Canada (19%), Italia (9%), Fraanca (4%), Britania & Mexico (3.5% husi kada nasaun), numeros presentajem hirak ne hatudu katak Cuba nian poitika diversifikasaun merkadu suksesu no implementa ho diak (Brundenius,b 2002).  
   
Hodi ultrapasa blokeiu ekonomia durante tinan 50 resin, alende diversifika ekonomia no bolu investidor estranzeiros mai Cuba. Fidel halo kooperasaun ho China nebe’e fo kreditu ba Cuba hodi hadiak Sistema transporte mak efisiensi. Halo mos kooperasaun ho Malaysia nebe’e ajuda iha parte Informasaun Technologia nian, nebe’e fa’an komputador ho folin baratu ba Cuba. Fidel mos liu husi Aliadu Bolivariano (ALBA) hamutuk ho nasaun America latina nain 9, halo kooperasaun iha parte ekonomia nian, mak hanesan; #hari’I Banco Regional ida hosi fo imprestimo ba AlBA nininian membru sira do que ba impresta fali iha Banku Mundial ou FMI, #kria televizaun ALBA nian para fo fo noticia mak independente sobre dezenvolvementu iha nasaun America Latina, #Atu kria no establese America Latina nian osan rasik para halo balansu ba Dollar Americano, no Euro. Alende koperasaun regional, Cuba mos halo kooperasaun bilateral ho Venezeula, liu husi lideransa Presidente Hugo Chaves. Kooperasaun ne mak hanesan barter ho Venezuela, nebe’e Venezuela husu 20.000 doutor Cubano, inklui professor eskola desportu nian, iha parte seluk Venezuela faan mina baratu ba Cuba.

Investe iha seitor Saude

Kunyesido nudar nasaun socialista nebe’e bazeia ba prinsipio soidariadade e humanismo, Fidel konsege lori Povu Cubano miliaun sanulu resin ida hodi ultra-pasa krizi no blokeiu ekonomia nebe Estadus Unidos aplika ba Cuba. Iha parte Saude nian, entre tinan 1990 – 2003, numeros doutor Cubano aumenta 76%, numero dentista aumenta 46%, numeros parteiras aumenta 16% (Caller, 2009), numeros centro nebe tau matan ba ema katuas ho ferik sira aumenta 107%, uma ba ema difisiente sira aumenta ba 47%, numeros labarik kiik mate tun maka’as husi 11.1% iha tinan 1989 to’o 6.4% iha tinan 1999.

Entre tinan 1992 – 1996, Cuba investe osan liu $1bn ba iha industria biotechnology no pharmaceutical, no haruka sira nian scientista sira ba aprende iha centro piskiza e laboratoriu sira mak iha America Latina, Swedia, Spanyol, no Alemanha (Chinweizu, 2009). Resultadu husi treinamentu ne, konsege produs numero Scientista hamutuk 12,000 no establese centru biotechnology laboratoriu 52 iha Cuba (Fawthrop, 2004). Iha tinan 2009, numeros cluster scientista aumenta tan ba 14, nebe’e namkare iha ilha tomak, halo kooperasaun ho 120 centru peskiza no fo servisu ba 30,000 pesoas resin (Revolutionary Communist Group, 2009).  
  
Industria biotechnology ne, konsege asegura Cuba nian sistema saude liu husi produs 160 product no halo produsaun aimoruk rasik ba sira nian populasaun liu miliaun 11 resin. Industria hirak ne, hanesan empressa publiko estadu nian nebe’e responde ba nesisidade povu Cubano nian. Alende fornese aimoruk ba iha rai-laran, Cuba mos produs (inventions) aimoruk oin atus ida resin iha nivel internasional desde tinan 1959. Iha tinan 1996, Cuba exporta produtu pharmacia no hetan osan kuaze miliaun $54 resin. Iha tinan 2009, Cuba nian produtu pharmacia konsege export aba iha nasaun 58 resin no hetan ninian retornu miliaun $500 resin (Yaffe, 2009). 

Fidel mos establese Cuba nian programa Mediku Internasionalismo, hahu’u husi wainhira fo apoiu emergensia iha Chile wainhira akontese rai-nakdoko iha tinan 1960, no liu tiha tinan rua nulu resin, brigade mediku mos haruka ba nasaun sanulu resin nen (Kirk & Erisman 2009). Iha fulan Novembro 2008, Cuba iha 17,697 doutor mediku nebe servisu iha 75 nasaun, numero ne la inklui 20,847 Cuba nian professional saude sira. Cuba nian brigade mediku halao servisu nasaun 27, no barak liu mak fora de nasaun America Latina. Cuba mos iha programa uza doutor Cubano durante tinan sanulu nian laran depois sei troka fali ho estundante medicina iha nasaun refere nebe treinadu husi doutor Cubano sira (Caller, 2009).

Comandante Fidel Castro mos hari’i Eskola Medisina America Latina (ELAM) nebe’e inagura iha Novembro 1999, iha estudantes hamutuk rihun rua resin (2,000) husi nasaun 18. Estudantes hirak ne, eskola gratuitu, han no kustu moris mos gratuitu durante eskola no hela iha Cuba. Graduadu Eskola Medisina Amerika Latina ne hahu’u iha tinan 2005 nebe representa estudantes husi nasaun 28 husi America Latina, inklui mos estudantes husi nasaun Estadus Unidos America no mos estudantes rihun ida resin husi Timor-Leste.
 
Iha 2001, eskola internasional kona ba Edukasaun physical no desportu establese, no iha 2005 konsege halo graduasaun ba estudantes liu 1,200 resin husi nasaun 75 nebe mai husi Africa, Asia no America Latina (Porter, 2012).
 
Asistensia Edukasional

Cuba laos deit kunyesidu ho programa saude, maibe iha mos programa kampanye ba kontra analfabeto, kampanye hodi hanorin ema lee no hakerek. Durante Fidel nian governancia, Fidel Castro introdus programa kampanye ba literacia, Cuba hahu’u fornese sira nian asistensia ba iha nasaun Angola iha tinan 1978 no 1981. Iha tinan 1987 mais ou menus estudantes Angolanos rihun hat resin (4,000) estuda iha Cuba, no iha tinan 1980, profesores husi Cuba join Cruzada iha Nicaragua, liu husi dezenvolve metodu hanorin simples, Cubano sira konsege dezenvolve programa literacia nebe’e adapta lian mak oin-oin husi nasaun 28. Programa ne implementa iha nasaun 15 iha America Latina nebe’e kordena husi specialist Cubana sira. Programa ne involve ema liu miliaun 3.6 resin husi 23 nasaun (Muhr, 2013:109). Husi Nova Zelandia to’o Nigeria, no husi Guatemala to’o Equatorial Guinea, aprende tiha ona le’e no hakerek uza programa ne. programa ne iha lingua versaun kuaze sanulu resin rua, nebe inklui uza lian Quechua no Aymara ba nasaun Bolivia, uza lian Creole ba nasaun Haiti, uza lian tetum ba Timor-Leste, no uza lian Swahili ba nasaun lubukida iha Africa neba. 
  
Konkluzaun

Artiklu ne, konsege hatudu katak Comandante Fidel Castro, ema ida nebe komunga prinsipio socialism no Comunismo nian, nebe sempre kontra injustica, no kontra rejime ditadura iha nasaun nebe deit, ijemplu liu husi pratika hatudu iha nasaun lubuk ida iha Africa neba, laos koalia slogan deit maibe fo tulun nebe laiha interese. Liu husi Fidel ninian lideransa Cuba konsege ultrapasa krizi ekonomia wainhira hasoru sanksaun blokeia ekonomia, Fidel adopta Che Guevara nian ideas diversifikasaun ekonomia nebe’e prefere liu asegura atendementu baziku iha parte saude no Edukasaun, no kanaliza investementu rai liur ba iha seitor productivo nebe’e lao ho orientasaun ekonomia popular no alternativu. Adeus Comandante Fidel Castro, Faleceu 25 de Novembro 2016.

Referensia

Brundenius, C., 2002. ‘Whither the Cuban Economy after Recovery? The Reform Process, Upgrading Strategies and the Question of Transition’, Journal of Latin American Studies, No. 34:2, pp. 365-95,  pp. 374 and 384.
 
Brundenius, C., 2002 ‘Cuban Economy’, Journal of Latin American Studies, No. 34:2, pp. 383-84.
Caller, H., 2009. ‘Socialism is Healthier’, Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! 208, April-May 2009, availbale at http://www.ratb.org.uk/frfi/208.html

Castro, F., 1989. ‘Fidel Castro Speech, 26 July 1989’, available at http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/1989/esp/f260789e.html  

Castro, R.,2009. ‘Raul Castro speech to the National Assembly of People’s Power, 1 August 2009,  Available at http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/rauldiscursos/2009/ing/r010809i.html

Che Guevara, E., 1970. ‘Algeria’, in Ernesto Che Guevara: Obras 1957-1967, Vol. 2, Havana, Casa de Las Americas, pp. 574-75.

Che Guevara, E., 2003. ‘Fidel Castro Speech, 8 October 1987’, in Ernesto Che Guevara: el gran debate, Havana, Ocean Press, p. 399. 

Chinweizu, C., 2009. ‘Cuban Socialism Shows the Way for Biotech and Pharma’, Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism!,210, AugustSeptember 2009, Available at http://www.ratb.org.uk/frfi/210.html

Díaz, M, E.,2009. ‘Cuba: Economic Restructuring, Recent Trends and Major Challenges’, on Monthly Review website, 19th April 2009, Available at http://monthlyreview.org/mrzine/molina130409.html
  
Fawthrop, T., 2004. ‘Cuba Ailing? Not Its Biomedical Industry’, The Straits Times, 26 January 2004, Available at http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/cuba-ailing-not-its-biomedical-industry   

Kirk, M, J., & Erisman, M, H., 2009. ‘Cuban Medical Internationalism: Origins, Evolution, and Goals, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, p. 93. 

Mesa-Lago, C.,2007. ‘The Cuban Economy in 2006-2007: Fidel’s Legacy and Raul’s Policies’, paper presented at the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy annual conference, 2-4 August.

Muhr, T., 2013. ‘Counter-Globalization and Socialism in the 21st Century: The Bolivarian Alliance for People of Our America’, Routledge, New York.

Porter, C., 2012. ‘Cuba-trained doctors making difference around the world’, the Star, available at https://www.thestar.com/news/world/2012/06/02/cubatrained_doctors_making_difference_around_the_world.html

Revolutionary Communist Group., 2009. ‘50 Years of Cuban Socialist Achievements of the Cuban Revolution’, Available at https://www.scribd.com/document/49208741/50-years-of-Cuban-Socialism-achievements-of-the-Cuban-revolution

​Yaffe, H., 2009. ‘Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research’ (JILAR), vol. 15:2, December 2009, pp 145-162. Available at http://ratbnews.blogspot.com/p/cuban-development-inspiration-for-alba.html
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Komparasaun entre ekonomia Marxismo no Neoclassical Analiza ba diferensia entre individualista no klasse iha ekonomia

4/30/2016

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ESSAY PAPER
Analiza ba diferensia entre individualista no klasse iha ekonomia;
Komparasaun entre ekonomia Marxismo no Neoclassical
Hakerek-Nain: Tomas Freitas
 
 
Introdusaun
Neoclassical economics iha influensa ba ekonomia kapitalista ohin loron; buat nee bele hare’e iha konseitus balun ‘merkadu mak determina presu’, no tama iha etapa ida mak konsege ultra-pasa teoria ‘Labour Theory of Value’, nebe eziste iha tempu inisiu Classical Economics nian. Banati tuir teoria ‘Marshalian Cross’ nebe esplika kona ba teoria Supply and Demand, Neoclassical economics fiar maka’as katak merkadu mak sei fo equilibriu ba presu (Stilwell, 2002). Hanesan konsagra tiha ona iha ‘Say’s Law’ hateten katak supply ba bens e servicos bele kria rasik sira nia merkadu, (Baumol, 1999). Deklarasaun hirak nee persija halo ezaminasaun liu husi estudu empirical, inklui mos neoclassical ninian methodologia deduktivo (Deductive Methodology) mak sei susar hodi justifika. Artiklu nee sei aprezenta diferensia entre ekonomia Marxismo no Neoclassical liu-liu iha kontekstu pontu da vista individualista kontra klasses iha ekonomia agora nian (Contemporary Economy). Essay ida nee mos sei hato’o historia (Background) kona ba oinsa ideas ka teoria original mak funda Neoclassical economics, nebe moris husi ‘Proto-Marginalists’, ‘Revolutionaries’ no ‘Consolidators’, nebe sai nudar ideologia mak forte tebes iha era Capitalismo ohin loron nian.     
 
Historia
Tradisionalmente, idea Neoclassical mai husi ema ulun bot balun iha tempu Classical economics ho ninian politica economist sira mak hanesan Adam Smith ho ninian konseitu Merkadu Livre nebe’e nia ilustra liu husi ninian livro ‘The Wealth of The Nation’, (Smith, 1776), David Ricardo ho ninian ideas ‘Marginal Principle’ (Kaldor, 1956), John Stuart Mill (2007) ho ninian teoria ‘Utilitarianism’, Jeremy Bentham (2009) ho ninian ‘Greatest Happiness’, no Jean Baptiste Say ho ninian teoria famozu ‘Say’s Law’ (Kates, 2003). Idea sira nee hotu mak fo’o inspirasaun ba ekonomista neoclassical sira balun. 
Doutrina Neoclassical economy hahu’u husi ultimo 1830s to’o meiu 1850s no sai forte e influensa iha inisiu 1870s, buras no sai famozu ba klasse mediu sira iha meiu 1880s to’o meiu 1890s. Historia ida nee ita bele hare’e hanesan evolusaun ba etapa tolu ka ‘three evolutionary’ nebe inklui ‘The Proto-marginalist’, ‘The Revolutionaries’, no ‘The Consolidators’ nebe sai hanesan ideas original husi Neoclassical economy.

Proto-Marginalistas
Historikamente, evolusaun Neoclassical Economics mai husi fundador lubun balu mak konsidera hanesan autores ba Proto-Marginalists inklui Augustin Cournot, Jules Dupuit, Johann Thunen no Heinrich Gossen. Iha tinan 1838, Agustin Cournot dezenvolve tiha ona ninian ideas Research into the Mathematical Principles of Wealth (2008), Cournot mos dezenvolve no analiza teoria monopoly mak ikus mai hamosu konseitu ‘Profit-maximising producer’. Jules Dupuit hanesan engineer ba Pontes ho ninian ideas ‘Curve of Diminishing Marginal Utility’ iha 1844, (Vickers, 1995), mesmu nee, iha tinan 1861, Dupuit mos iha argumentu kapas no konsege hamosu idea ‘Free Exchange’. Johann Thunen hanesan ema Alemanha mak iha rai no plantasaun barak (German landowner) ema nee dezenvolve esensia husi ‘The Marginal Productivity Theory of Distribution’ iha tinan 1850 (Ekelund & Hebert, 1999). Ikus liu husi fundador Protagonist Marginalist mak Heinrich Gossen ho ninian idea famozu ‘Gossen Second Law’ iha tinan 1854, no deskreve; ‘equalisation between the ratios of exchange of goods to the ratio of marginal disutility of work’ (Blaug, 2003)’. Ho ninian sentido equilibriu entre lojika troka sasan no lojika marginal husi desutilizasaun de servisu. Protagonista nain hat nee hetan suksesu in termus hato’o sira nian teoria original mak ikus mai sai hanesan embrio ba teoria marginal husi neoclassical economics.    
 
Revolusionario
Depois de Proto-Marginalista sira marka no funda tiha ideas ‘Marginal Theory’ husi 1838 to’o ba 1854, Neoclassical Economics komesa hakroat fila fali sira nia nehan liu husi revolusionario-marginalista sira mak hanesan; William Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger no Leon Walras. Iha lansamentu ba ‘Marginal Revolution’, Jevons komesa tau ninian ideas ‘Theory of Political Economy’ iha tinan 1871, Nia komesa fo emphaze ba prinsipiu husi ‘Diminishing marginal utility’ no halo introdusaun ba preferensia individual (Steedman, 1997). Depois nee iha tempu hanesan 1871, revolusionario marginalista seluk Carl Menger husi Austria introdus ninian konseitu ‘Grunds tze’ nebe konsidera hanesan idea baziku husi ‘Marginal value theory’ ka ‘Marginal utility theory’ mesmu la direitamente nia uza termus ‘Marginal’ maibe nia deklara katak konsumedores normalmente iha lista kona ba saida mak nia atu sosa no iha preferensia kona ba sasan ho kualidade diak liu nebe sei fo satisfeitu ba nia a’an, no konsumedores mos iha lista kona ba sasan nebe ladun urjente atu sosa, no sira sei sosa wainhira iha osan restu, (Streissler & Streissler, 1994). Depois de Menger reforsa ninian hanoin kona ba ‘Marginal Utility Theory’, iha tinan 1874 ekonomista ida husi Franca naran Leon Walras, nebe dezenvolve liu tan (Marginalist Theory) no ikus mai formalmente ‘Marginalist Theory’ nakfila a’an ba ‘General Equilibrium Theory’. Iha parte seluk, Walras mos hato’o ninian kontribuisaun ideas balun mak hanesan refleksaun ba monopoly merkadu no kompetisaun mak imperfecto (Tieben, 2009).  

Konsolidor
Wainhira halao konsolidasaun ba ideas ekonomia neoclassical husi famozu revolusionariu-marginalista nain-tolu hanesan esplika tiha ona iha palavras mak iha leten, sei iha tan numerous ekonomista seluk mak hakarak hametin liu tan ideas nee. Ekonomista hirak nee mak hanesan; Eugen Bohm-Bawerk ho ninian ideas ‘Capital and Interest’ hakerek iha tinan 1884, iha livro ne’e esplika kona ba parte positivu husi investementu capital ho ninian retornu osan funan (Pressman, 1999). Iha mos Friedrich von Wieser nebe iha tinan 1889 hakarek teoria kona ba Imputasaun ‘Imputation Theory’ nebe deklara katak factor presu determina husi output presu (Albertazzi et al, 1996). Alfred Marshall iha tinan 1890 sai famozu tamba ninian teoria kona ba ‘Marshallian Cross’ nebe analiza merkadu bazeia ba ninian teoria ‘Supply and Demand’, (Stilwell, 2002). John Bates Clark iha tinan 1891 husi Estadus Unidos Americano, fornese ninian konseitu ho naran ‘Marginal Productivity Concept’ ho ninian fiar katak kontribuisaun ba output husi trabaladores adisional sei determina mos valor pagamentu ba trabalhador sira seluk mak persija kampo de trabalho, (Geetika et al, 2008). Irving Fisher mos hola parte iha konsolidador famozu hirak nee, nia inventa ‘Curve Device invention’ hodi kompleta Walras nian teoria ‘Equilibrium Price’ iha 1892 (Fisher, 2007). Fisher ninian servisu ikus nebe kunyesidu iha era post-Keynesian mak ‘deb-deflation theory’ iha 1933, no teoria nee mak Hyman Minsky uza hodi dezenvolve ninian teoria ‘Financial Instability Hypothesis’, (Minsky, 1986).

Hafoin Irving Fisher, ekonomista neoclassical konsolida sira servisu liu husi Knut Wicksell ho ninian ideas Value, Capital and Rent iha 1893 (Lutz, 2006). Philip Wicksteed iha tinan 1894 produs mos ninian hakerek kona ba Co-ordination of Laws of Distribution, no halo ninian kritika ba ekonomista sira balun mak prefere hodi reorganiza fali teoria kona ba distribuisaun. Wicksteed prefere atu uza matematika hanesan metodu investigasaun ho garantia alokasaun de distribuisaun (Marchionatti, 2004). Vilfredo Pareto iha tinan 1896 mos hola parte hanesan jerasaun segundu husi revolusionarios neoclassical nebe’e fornese mos ninian kontribuisaun liu husi hakerek livro kona ba Tastes-and-obstacles (Gomes, 2003) nebe’e kontinua hamoris fila fali general equilibrium theory, mesmu nee Vilfredo kunyesidu hanesan lider ida husi eskola Lausanne mak famozu hanesan eskola neoclassical mak konstrui Leon Walras nian konseitu kona ba General equilibrium theory (Andersen, 2009).

Konsolidador ikus husi neoclassical economics mak Enrico Barone, ekonomista Italiano ida mak entrega ninian dedikasaun tomak hodi banati tuir Leon Walras no Vilfredo Pareto nian ain fatin, ninian kontribuisaun bot liu ba neoclassical school mak halo influensa ba Walras hodi integra ideas balun ba tekniku produsaun (Production Technique), ninian ideas nee konsidera hanesan ekstensaun ida ba marginal productivity theory (Jaffe & Walker, 1983). 
 
Hale’u no hatene tiha konsolidasaun ba iha teoria bar-barak mak hodi suporta ‘Neoclassical economics’ Alfred Marshall deit mak sai famozu liu no bele halo sintesa ba Jevons, Menger no Walras nian teoria. Sintesa nee kunyesidu ho ‘Marshallian Cross’ ho ilustrasaun Supply no Demand mak sai factor determina ba presu mak equilibriu, no nia fiar katak sei fo’o mos satisfeitu ba parte rua konsumedores no vendedores.  

Debates Konseitus
Estuda no akompanya tiha prosesu transformasaun husi Classical Economics ba iha Neoclassical Economics, Ita bele hare’e katak originalidade husi prinsipiu merkadu livre mak sirkulasaun sasan iha merkadu (Supply & Demand) no merkadu mak sei determina presu sasan. Teoria ne’e sei desvaloriza tiha Karl Marx nian teoria ‘Labour Theory of Value’ nebe’e Marx fiar katak kualidade husi trabalhadores mak sai factor determinante ba presu sasan nian.

Atu justifika teoria bot rua mak iha leten, tuir mai artiklu nee hakarak apresenta analiza no interpretasaun klean kona ba konseitos no argumentus mak hola parte tiha ona iha teoria rua nee nian laran.

Komparasaun entre Neoclassical no Marxismo;   

Deductivismo Vs Materialismo Dialetika Historia
Iha Neoclassical uza metodologia deductivismo, nebe bazeia ba John Stuart Mill, hateten katak; “ a complex subject matter like political economy can only be studied scientifically by means of the deductive method. Since so many causal factors influence economic phenomena, and experimentation is generally not possible, there is no way to employ the methods of induction directly”, (Hausman, 1992, pp14). Sentido husi palavras iha leten hateten katak; “kestaun mak komplexu hanesan political economy so bele scientifikamente estuda liu husi methodologia deductivo. Desde faktor casual barak mak influensa phenomena ekonomia no generalmente experimento la konsege halo, tamba nee mak laiha dalan hodi implementa metodologia direitamente ka ‘induction’.  
 
La han malun ho aproximasaun Neoclassical nian kona ba Methodologia deductivo, ekonomista Marxista nian prefere liu estuda historia no prosesu, mak hanesan ejemplu balun; Materialismo Dialetika Historia, Klase Bourgesa, no Sociadade Capitalista, (Stilwell, 2002), Marxista sira hatene katak liu husi kunyesementu hirak nee sei bele fo’o imagem bot hodi kumprende konstruksaun Capitalismo modern nian, (Lunn, 1982).

Sekuandu aplika methodologia rua nee ba iha ekonomia agora nian (Contemporary Economy), sei mosu diferensia balun. Deductivismo iha era ida ne’e, sei utiliza nafatin husi ekonomista Rationalista sira (Rationalists Economists), (Katouzian, 1980) ezemplu mak hanesan instituisaun financeiru internasional sira hanesan Banku Mundial no Fundo Monetario Internasional, instituisaun rua nee sei kaer nafatin engkontru regular kona ba Annual General Meeting-AGM (IMF, 2010) hodi halo evaluasaun ba sira nian estrategia no methodologia, liu husi AGM nee mos sira bele estuda aktividade ekonomia mak sira suporta tiha ona liu husi sira nian programa, nebe dala barak sira mak deside rasik durante fulan sanulu resin rua nian laran.

Deductivismo karik bele diak mos ba ekonomista sira balun hodi halo sira nian justifikasaun depois to’o iha projeitu ninian rohan. Iha kritika balun mak ita tenke konsidera katak observasaun direita (Induction Methodology) dalaruma mos bele la konsege halo kobertura ba evidensia balun mak akontese iha fatin diferente ho tempu mak hanesan durante prosesu observasaun nian laran. 
Iha biban seluk opozisaun ba deductivismo, Marxista sira fiar katak ho historia materialismo mak sei fo’o kunyesementu profundu kona ba sociadade bourgesa iha termos kumprende sistema ‘Mode of Production’ (Rockmore, 2002), Haktuir Stalin nian liafuan dehan katak “historical materialism is the extension of the principle of dialectical materialism to study of social life” (Rockmore, 2002, pp7). Nebe ho ninian sentido hateten katak “historia materialismo nee hanesan ekstensaun husi prinsipiu dialetika materialismo nebe estuda kona ba sociadade nian moris”.  

Marxista sira fiar katak konseitu materialismo dialetika historia sei halo ema kumprende didiak kona ba ekonomia capitalista ohin loron nian, tamba capitalismo hanesan ‘mode of production’ ka Meius de Produsaun nebe involve karakter techniko no social, no halo produsaun ba bens e servicos. Karakter social signifika katak relasaun entre klasse, nebe’e trabalhadores hanesan klasse proletariadu no bourgesa hanesan klasse mediu mak sai nain ba fabrika ka industria, inklui mos nain ba technologia no material prima ka ‘raw material’ (Stilwell, 2002).     
 
Individual Vs Klasses
Se’es malun ho teoria Neoclassical, ekonomista Marxista sira halo analiza foka liu ba klasse laos individual. Klasse signifika grupo proletariadu hanesan forsa de trabalho mak halo produsaun ba bens e servicos, no bourgesa hanesan capitalista mak sai nain ba meius da produsaun. Individual bazeia ba teoria Neoclassical mak konsumedor no vendedor nebe’e livre faan no sosa sira nian sasan; iha lianguazem seluk hateten katak alokasaun iha ekonomia merkadu livre, faan no sosa sasan sei akontese voluntariamente entre individual sira (Bergh, et al, 1997). Idea ‘free exchange’ ka Merkadu livre nee implementa tiha ona iha siklu 19th century nebe’e adopta husi ekonomista neo-liberal sira no ikus mai sai famozu hanesan ideologia capitalismo, mak hetan ninian suporta maka’as husi instituisaun financeiru internasionais.  

Terminologia rua iha leten to’o agora sei relevante nafatin, tamba iha tendensia katak individual bazeia ba teoria Neoclassical nudar konsumedor sei iha forsa ultimo hodi determina presu sasan. Klasse iha ‘Contemporary economy’ ka ekonomia modernu mos sei relevante tamba problema ekonomia agora ninian nebe kumplexu hamosu injustisa iha fatin servisu bar-barak, trabalhadores hanesan klasse proletariadu mak siempre lakon sira nian direitu, tamba nee iha fatin barak ona trabalhadores sira organiza a’an hodi establese sira nian sindikatu, uniaun no organizasaun legais rasik hodi proteze sira nian direitu no halo advokasia ba sira nian interese komun. 
   
Utility Vs Value
Diferente husi teoria Neoclassical, Ekonomista Marxista sira halo analiza ba produsaun bazeia ba ‘Labour Theory of Value’ ka teoria nebe’e mak valoriza servisu trabalhadores sira bazeia ba kuantidade no kualidade forsa de trabalhadores nian. Maibe Neoclassical halo analiza ba merkadu bazeia ba ‘Theory of Utility’ ka teoria de utilizasaun, ejemplu mak hanesan sasan mak produs ba iha merkadu ninian folin sei determina husi ‘Consumer satisfaction’ ka konsumedores nian gostu, (Stilwell, 2002).

Banati tuir Carl Menger nian teoria ‘Marginal Utility Theory’, hateten katak wainhira konsumedor deside atu gasta sira nian osan hodi sosa sasan ka produtu, sira sei depende ba sasan ka produtu nebe mak hatudu ninian kualidade diak no fo satisfeitu ba konsumedor nee. Haklaken tuir William Stanley Jevons ninian teoria ‘Diminishing Marginal Utility’ katak wainhira konsumedor deside atu aloka ninian pagamentu ba iha sasan balun, konsumedor ne’e sei koko ka ezamina sasan ida ba ida no koko hodi identifika sasan ida nebe mak hatudu liu ninian kualidade ka sasan nebe mak fo liu ninian satisfeitu ba konsumedor nee, ijemplu simples mak hanesan sosa roupa ka vistidu, ema nee sei koko no hatais ida ba ida to’o nia satisfeitu no komfortavel ho ninian desizaun. Satisfeitu ho vistidu nebe mak nia deside tiha ona atu sosa, ne sei determina vistidu nian folin, tamba vendedor hatene tiha ona konsumedor nian hakarak, entaun vendedor vistidu nee sei tau folin mak a’as para atu bele hetan lukru mak maximu.

Iha realidade ‘Utiliy theory’ no ‘Labour theory of value’ sei relevante nafatin, tamba teoria rua nee bele aplika depende ba iha merkadu ka industria mak bot ka largo. Ijemplu; kuandu hau nudar konsumedor ba iha negosiante local iha area rural ou remota nebe kategoria kiik hanesan business furniture ba produs kadeira ka meja, teoria utility ka marginal utility sei susar hodi implementa tamba hau nian satisfeitu sei la bele aplika ho razaun kadeira ho meja laiha kuantidade mak barak para hau hodi ezamina ka koko tamba fatin business furniture nee laos dealer mak hatama sasan bar-barak. Business kiikoan hanesan nee normalmente determina sira nian presu rasik depende ba iha presu material prima no kustu de trabalho inklui mos lukru balun hodi hatutan ka halo bot sira nian business. Iha parte seluk sekuandu hau hanesan konsumedor no hau ba atu kompra meja ka kadeira balun iha loja bot furniture nian nebe hanesan mos ‘dealer’ ka ‘retailer’ parese hau bele aplika Utility theory tamba vendedor loja nee reprezenta kompania bot nebe iha kuantidade meja no kadeira barak hamutuk ho presu nebe variable ba hau, atu nune hau bele koko no ezamina tuir hau nian hakarak no gostu.

Equilibrium Vs Underconsumption
Bazeia ba teoria neoclassical, ‘General Equilibrium theory’ signifika katak presu ba sasan no factor mak halo produsaun ba sasan nee sei determina husi balansu ‘supply & demand’. Hanesan mos deklara tiha ona iha ‘Say’s Law’ nebe hateten katak ‘supply’ sei kria ninian ‘demand’ iha ijemplu rua mak sei bele esplika konseitu ida nee, ida; ijemplu wainhira iha tempu natal loja bar-barak hatama roupa ho kuantidade barak tamba sira fiar katak iha tempu natal konsumedores sei sosa sira nian roupa hodi ba misa no hatais ba iha loron bot. Entaun saida mak akontese wainhira roupa tama barak ema sosa mos aumenta barak no iha tempo hanesan vendedores mos hasae ninian folin makas atu hodi hetan ninian lukru barak, maibe wainhira loron bot liu tiha, folin sasan sira nee sei tun ba presu normal. Ijemplu ida temi tiha ona nee, mos reflekta teoria Marshallian Cross, nebe hateten determinasaun ba presu sei depende ba iha quantidade demand no supply, ijemplu mak hanesan ita bele hare’e iha nasaun seluk hanesan Australia, Inglatera, Estadus Unidos America ka nasaun nebe ninian ekonomia diferente ho ita, depois de natal roupa iha loja sira folin tun makas, entaun saida mak akontese iha loron ‘Boxing Day’ 26 de Dezembro dadersan sedu deit ema ba forma-linha naruk iha odamatan loja nian oin, molok loja nee loke para konsumedor sira tama ho hadauk malun sasan hodi sosa. Maibe tuir Marxian economics, sira hateten katak ‘Oversupply’ sei prejudika ‘Underconsumption’ nebe signifika katak faan sasan barak liu iha merkadu sei afekta ba konsumedores nian forsa de kompra, nebe sei bele akontese falansu iha merkadu. Ijemplu ba kazu ida nee ita la persija ba rai liur, wainhira governu hasai osan barak hodi sosa fo’os toneladas ba toneladas husi Vietnam no Laos, no laiha kalkulasaun fiksu husi forsa de kompra kada familia ida-idak, entaun saida mak akontese fo’os barak mak sai a’at iha armazem no tinan tinan ita rona katak governu sunu fo’os tamba a’at no lahuk. Ita labele fo sala ba iha falansu distribuisaun tamba distribuisaun mos hola parte sistema merkadu nian laran.

Hanesan refleksaun ba sistema merkadu iha era agora nian, wainhira presu folin tun sei provoka konsumedores hodi sosa, no wainhira konsumedores barak sosa entaun supply sasan tenke aumenta, no derepente deit vendedores hasae ninian folin no persija aumenta stock husi fabrika; no wainhira fabrika aumenta ninian suply, presu sasan nian monu fila fali. Fenomena nee mak hanesan siklus ida-idak mak kesi-malun tuir ninian movimentu nee rasik. No bazeia ba Marx nee mak ‘unstable economy’ ka ekonomia la estabil nebe’e signifika supply barak liu sei resulta konsumu menus (underconsumption), no merkadu bele monu ba krize.
 
Marginal Vs Structural
Originalidade teoria ‘Marginal Analysis’ mai husi David Ricardo ninian teoria ‘Marginal Principle’ nebe uza tiha ona hodi halo analiza ba ‘Rent’, ‘Leasing’ ka Aluga no ekonomista Neoclassical sira adopta tiha ona teoria nee, tamba sira fiar katak factors hotu-hotu iha relasaun ba malun. Maibe, atu aplika ba Marginal Principle Ricardo introdus tiha ona prinsipiu de substituisaun ka ‘Principle of Substitution’ ho razaun atu hodi kumprende relasaun entre trabalhadores no rai (Kaldor, 1956).
Kontradiksaun ba iha neoclassical nian teoria marginal analysis, Marx nian structural analysis halo kritika ba iha estado hanesan capitalista mak iha poder. Iha ninian manifesto communist Marx esplika exploitasaun mak halo husi bourgesa ba iha trabalhadores, no Marx identifika katak bourgesa mak iha klasses mediu ka sociadade affluente (affluent society) kontinua halo manipulasaun ho razaun hodi mantein nafatin poder capitalista. Marx konsidera sistema capitalista hanesan meius ida husi estado atu hodi proteze sira nian rezime, no iha rezime nee inklui instituisaun estado nian mak hanesan; policia, Sistema judiciariu, universidade no religiaun sira. Kritika ba iha instituisaun hirak nee ho razaun katak instituisaun sira nee mak siempre fo sira nian bensa no grasa ba estado no kria konsensia falsu ‘false consciousness’ (Newton & Deth, 2005).

Konkluzaun
Idea original mak mai husi classical economist hanesan Ricardo ho ninian marginal principle, John Stuart Mil ho Utilitarianism, Jeremy Bentham ho ninian great happiness inklui mos Jean Baptiste Say ho ninian Say’s Law, hato’o tiha ona mai katak teoria grande hirak nee hotu to’o agora sei relevante iha sociadade nian let. Transformasaun ideas husi classical mai ba neoclassical no husi neoclassical ba neo-liberal no to’o merkadu livre nee hatudu katak ekonomia iha mundo nee lao progresivu tebes.

Evolusaun husi proto-marginalista mak hanesan Cournot, Dupuit, Thunen and Gossen tun mai revolucionariu sira mak hanesan Jevons, Menger and Walras, Hamutuk ho konsolidador sira mak hanesan Bohm-Bawerk, Wieser, Marshal, Clark, Fisher, Wicksell, Wicksteed, Pareto and Barone hatudu katak ideas neoclassical halo ninian evolusaun duni bazeia ba iha dinamiku tempu neba nian no to’o agora konseitus hirak nee sei adopta nafatin iha ekonomia modern.

Essay nee explora tiha ona ideas fundamental barak husi konseitus bot rua mak mai husi ekonomia Neoclassical no Marxismo nian. Liu husi expozisaun ida nee, hato’o tiha ona mos komparasaun entre teoria elegante rua nee, liu-liu neoclassical sira nian teoria kona ba utility, marginal utility no supply & demand nebe mak desvaloriza tiha Marx nian teoria labour value of theory. Maibe iha realidade teoria hirak nee sei relevante nafatin no sei bele implementa bazeia ba kondisaun merkadu.

Iha parte seluk mos, Karl Marx hato’o tiha ona kontribuisaun teoria fundamento balun mak sei eziste iha phenomena ekonomia agora ninian. Liu husi konseitus mak hanesan materialism dialetika historia, analiza klasse, labour theory of value, underconsumption no structural analysis, argumentus no konseitus hirak nee uza tiha ona iha debates bar-barak iha arena politika ekonomia nian laran. Ijemplu mak hanesan; Marx nian teoria kona ba ‘underconsumption’ nebe iha ekonomia marxismo nian hateten katak; ‘oversupply’ sei prejudika ‘underconsumption’ no sei resulta falansu iha sistema merkadu. Mesmu iha kestaun nee ekonomista neoclassical sira fiar nafatin katak supply no demand mak sei bele kria equilibriu presu iha merkadu.

Referensia
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Bentham, J., 2009. ‘Deontology or, the science of morality: In which the harmony and co-incidence of duty and self-interest’, Bibliobazaar LLC, United States

Bergh, V, D, C, J, M, J., Straaten, V, D, J., & International Society for Ecological Economics., 1997. ‘Economy and ecosystems in change: analytical and historical approaches’, Edward Elgar Publishing, United States

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Cournot, A, A., 2008. ‘Researches into the Mathematical Principles of Wealth’, Bibliobazaar, New York

Ekelund, B, R., & Hebert, F, R., 1999. ‘Secret origins of modern microeconomics: Dupuit and the engineers’, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago

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Gomes, L., 2003. ‘The economics and ideology of free trade: a historical review’, Edward Elgar Publishing, United Kingdom

Hausman, M, D., 1992. ‘Essays on philosophy and economic methodology’, Cambridge University Press, United States

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Does the informal economy benefit the poor? Women Roadside Sellers in Madang Province of Papua New Guinea

4/28/2016

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Does the informal economy benefit the poor?
Women Roadside Sellers in Madang Province of Papua New Guinea
Author: Tomas Freitas
​
Introduction

The tendency for rural people to engage in multiple, informal occupations is widespread. Women often take on small business training and technical assistance, are encouraged to form stakeholder associations, and to participate in additional community-level activities sponsored by various projects (Asian Development Bank 2002). The proliferation of informal professions in developing countries has been seen both as a phase in the process of development and a negative path leading a country back into underdevelopment (Arizpe 1977).

Both of these positions are often subscribed to by modernist scholars, who prefer the small informal sector to take a step-by-step approach in developing their business, with the possibility of access to more credit, which can be provided by big institutions with high interest. Is it possible that rural women in the informal economy will one day become rich and living in an affluent society? This is unlikely; the reason why many engage in the informal economy is because they are marginalised by the modern economy, which has left them with no choice.

Presenting the case study of roadside sellers in Madang province in Papua New Guinea, this essay will explore a number of reasons for why the informal economy does benefit the poor.
The paper will in particular focus on the way that the informal sector provides economic benefit to women in rural areas. 
​
Definition
The informal economy has been described in various ways. Writing about the informal sector in Sri Lanka, Sandaratne (2002) explains that the informal economy has various definitions including,
the ‘unorganised sector’, ‘unregistered economy’, ‘third economy’, ‘parallel economy’, ‘non-institutional’, ‘bazaar economy’, ‘lower circuit’, ‘black economy’, ‘shadow economy’, ‘underground economy’, ‘peasant form of production’, ‘peddlers’, ‘the unremunerated’, (Sandaratne, 2002,4).
​This paper will adopt a definition of the informal economy which applies to the case study of roadside sellers in Papua New Guinea, and will refer to the informal economy variously as the ‘unregistered economy’, ‘non-institutional economy’ and as a ‘peasant form of mode of production’ as described by Karl Marx in his economic model ‘relations of production’, concerned with how people are organised for the purpose of producing goods and services (Marx, cited in Stilwell, 2002). ‘Unregistered economy’, refers to the characteristic of the informal economy as being mobile, moving from one place to another, making registration or documentation of their existence difficult (Kari, 2005) and ‘non-institutional economy’ because they are not institutionalised, or integrated into any legal entity in the form of big institutions. Some, however, have organised themselves into small cooperatives whose members are composed of families and neighbours (Gustafsson, 2002); these small cooperatives have existed in the rural economy as a type of social protection (Ratuva, 2010). A peasant form of ‘mode of production’ according to Karl Marx is a type of economic structure of a society which focuses only on the social organisational aspect of the production process (Marx, cited in Mackenzie, 1984). In other words, this is a relationship of production which is concerned only with how these rural farmers have organised and produced their crops.   
Demographics

Papua New Guinea is a poor country in the Pacific region. According to the census data of 2008, the total population is about 6.468 million, with a growth rate of 2.7%. The annual Gross National Income per person is $1.040 and the real GDP annual growth rate is 4.5%. The percentage of the population below the poverty line is 39.6%. Enrolment in primary education is 63.6%, with the balance of gender parity in primary education 91 girls for every 100 boys. The mortality rate for children under five years old is 69 per 1000 births, and the maternal mortality rate is 733 per 100.000 live of births (Ausaid, 2011). The benefits that the informal economy can bring to poor farmers are substantial. 

Social and Cultural Advantage

Most of the Pacific Island communities such as Papua New Guinea, Fiji, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Tonga, Tuvalu, Kiribati, Nauru, Marshall Islands, and Cook Islands, have a strong dependence on subsistence agriculture, which is closely linked to their social context. The culture of exchange has been practically implemented generation by generation in this society as a means of building social and economic relationships. In Vanuatu about 80 percent of the population is engaged in the informal economy in some way, which is based on commodities exchange and social networking activities (Ratuva, 2010). The informal economy, based on subsistence agriculture, is a strong component of these communities’ social and cultural context. One of the fundamental advantages of the informal economy in these Pacific Island countries is that the majority of the population live on thousands of hectares of land under customary land tenure.  

Customary land tenure

Customary land refers to ‘communal ownership’, and land boundaries are normally based on rivers, trees, or even mountains, which have no official demarcation and the land title has not been registered under the formal law. The title is however recognised by custom through the elders, which usually does not allow the sale of land to persons outside the kin group or other than relatives, and also prevents individual or groups selling the land to foreigners (Cooter, 1991).

Customary tenure in PNG accounts for about 97 percent are of the land (47 million hectares). Less than three percent (1.2 million hectares) is alienated land, meaning that it does not belong to the customary landowners. Of this three percent, about 125,000 hectares is owned by missionaries or churches and about 950,000 hectares belongs to the government. The government has also leased to other parties about 120,000 hectares, under 99 year leases (Trebilcock, 1983). The 97 percent of land owned by customary tenure forms the livelihoods of around 85 percent of the 6.7 million people of PNG (Bismarck Ramu Group, 2009). As far back as 1990, about 7 million hectares of land were used for cultivation, which at that time was about 1.5 hectares per person (Anderson, 2006b). In other words, 7 million hectares were utilised for subsistence-based agriculture, which the majority of the people use for plant-food crops.

The existence of customary land tenure has made it possible for many rural farmers to base their subsistence on plant food crops, which is beneficial in a number of ways. Plant-food crops form part of the economic structure of the society; they are important because if at the end of the day the crops are not bought by consumers, they will be consumed at home. In addition, plant-food crops are not for the export market, which means that there is not demand to produce huge quantities, meaning that rural subsistence farmers do not need to borrow a lot of money from microcredit institutions to meet the cost of production.

Women and the informal economy

There are two types of custodianship land applied in Papua New Guinea: the majority have adopted a patrilineal system, however some of the islands have implemented a matrilineal system. Under a patrilineal system, the senior male in the family has the right to determine and distribute land within the family. However, in some of the eastern islands, such as in the region of Milne Bay, only the matrilineal system is recognised, which means that women have control over the land. Men in this context can also have access to the land through their mothers, sisters or wives (Anderson, 2008).
In contrast to the World Bank opinion of traditional women hardly having access to land (Deininger, 2003), the case of customary land in PNG is different. For instance a woman from Madang province has testified that even though she is married to her husband from another province, when she returns to her father’s village she is still respected and still has access to land title, no matter where she is living (Bismarck Ramu Group, 2009).
 
The advantages of having access to land and the consideration of the culture of exchange as mutual gifts has benefited women in the informal sector in Papua New Guinea, especially rural women in Madang province. Despite utilising four to six hectares of land for oil palm farming, and two to four hectares for vanilla and cocoa plantations, most rural farmers still have one to two hectares just for the cultivation of crops and vegetables (Anderson, 2010). The average cash income from palm oil Palm is around 4,000 kina per year, which is less than cocoa and vanilla cash returns of 14,000-16,000 kina per year, and cash crop returns of around 13,500 kina per year (Anderson, 2006a).
 
Higher income

Women and men in PNG including in Madang province also have the potential to generate more income by participating in the informal as opposed to the formal economy. Activity in the informal economy has the potential to earn more income compared to national standard wages. In Madang province, a survey has been conducted which focuses on roadside seller activity in eleven different places. The Watta Rais roadside market has 30 sellers, Sausi has 40 sellers, Yakumbu 20 sellers, Usino 50 sellers, Mambu 70 sellers, Four Mile 200 sellers, Maiwara 13 sellers, Pau 120 sellers, Selon 40 sellers, Nagada 10 sellers and Baitabag 20 sellers, and the minimum average income per week in these eleven places is 138 kina higher than the national minimum wage which is only 37.20 kina per week (Anderson, 2008). These particular roadside sellers sell their local produce along the main roads, and target people who are travelling from one province to another (Ausaid, 2010).
 
According to a rural informal sector survey report, the informal sector income in four other provinces including Central, East New Britain, Morobe, and Western Highlands is three times higher than the normal national minimum wage. Daily activities that these informal sectors conduct are buying and selling fish, local transport, trade store, selling cattle, potatoes, cocoa, coffee, food crops, betel nuts and copra (Sowei, et al, 2003). 

It might be asked why these roadside sellers do not want to sell their local produce at the normal local market; the fact is that they do not have a choice - there is not enough infrastructure at the local market that the government can provide to rural subsistence farmers (AusAid, 2000). Due to the difficulty of distance, some of the women who do sell at the marketplace have to organise themselves into groups for walking there together, and carry their produce on their heads to get to there, (Epstein, 1982).

The difficulty of accessing the local market and not having many local markets around is one factor that highlights the importance of the 47 million hectares of customary owned land in PNG. We might ask why the roadside sellers have set themselves up alongside most of the national roads. One of the reasons is because they are tired of fighting for a place in the regular marketplace, and also because many of these sellers live close to main roads, and they don’t have to pay too much for local transport to carry their crops and vegetables.

Interestingly, most of the sellers are housewives, who do multiple tasks by selling their local produce as well as looking after their children (Porter & Porter, 2008). Every day their husbands work in the fields, and some of them have other jobs as well such as working as labourers on construction sites or doing some other informal activity. Roadside sellers primarily sell local produce from their home farms including sweet potato, bananas, taro, coconuts, sugar cane, cassava, yams, sago, peanuts, aibika, betel nuts, eggs, chicken, lamb, pork, and rice.

Price control

Customary land tenure again proves to play an important part in the informal economy as regards price control. As the owners of the land, the roadside sellers are also able to control the price of their goods in the market by controlling the supply, because most of the crops and vegetables are seasonally grown. These roadside sellers also know how much they will charge for each specific crop after deducting their labour costs, including costs for local transport to transport their goods to the market place or main road. Such a system is unusual from a neoclassical economic perspective, which always maintains that prices are determined by consumers, not sellers (Stilwell, 2002).

Sustainability

Inspired by the ability to control the supply in the market, it has given self-confidence to rural farmers to sustain their productivity. In contrast to large farms which use chemicals or fertiliser, these rural farmers only produce their own organic compost which is why they usually produce good quality crops and rarely experience delays in harvesting (Sillitoe, 1998). As a tropical country, typically most of the crops are seasonal, and the rural farmers generally know very well when it is time for them to start planting their seeds (Allen et al, 1995). This activity is repeated season by season and continues year after year, which is why such a system is well maintained and sustainable.

Secure and Protected

Because their system is well maintained and sustainable, it has protected the activity of roadside sellers from external intervention. The women roadside sellers of Madang are different to women in other countries. If we compare to women in Bangladesh, the microcredit institutions have exploited Bangladeshi women and maintained a strong patriarchal system (Karim, 2008). This is not the case in PNG, because rural women in PNG have always relied on their families’ contribution. The culture of exchange has been considered as mutual gifts, and this has become a barrier for external intervention such as the introduction of micro-credit or micro-finance.

The culture of exchange has been a part of rural economy activities, for example canoes are traded as gifts rather than commodities (Gregory, 1982). Such a form of commodity exchange has been discussed many years ago by great philosophers, for example according to Karl Marx (1867) in his social pre-conditions for commodity exchange:
“The reality of the value of commodities differs in this respect from Dame Quickly, that we don’t know “where to have it.” The value of commodities is the very opposite of the coarse materiality of their substance, not an atom of matter enters into its composition. Turn and examine a single commodity, by itself, as we will, yet in so far as it remains an object of value, it seems impossible to grasp it. If, however, we bear in mind that the value of commodities has a purely social reality, and that they acquire this reality only in so far as they are expressions or embodiments of one identical social substance, viz., human labour, it follows as a matter of course, that value can only manifest itself in the social relation of commodity to commodity. In fact we started from exchange value, or the exchange relation of commodities, in order to get at the value that lies hidden behind it. We must now return to this form under which value first appeared to us.” (Marx, 1867; 16).
If we analyse this paragraph and link it into Melanesian communities in Papua New Guinea and other Pacific countries, it shows that commodity exchange depends on the value of the commodity itself, and that this is determined by the social relation between two commodities. The ‘social relation’ in this case might refer to the culture of exchange that has been applied generation by generation as anthropologists referred to in ‘primitive societies’.

Another barrier that has protected this informal activity from external intervention is customary land tenure (Fingleton, 2004). The financial institutions such as microcredit and microfinance prefer to grant credit for individual land ownership rather than communal (Gosarevski, et al, 2004). Despite the existence of individual property rights, many attempts to introduce a land registration system by the government and western institutions have failed (Yala, 2006).   
  
Conclusion

In this paper land has been identified as a fundamental structure of the rural economy, which has empowered subsistence rural agriculture and become a strong factor in economic production. In particular customary land tenure and women’s access to land in matrilineal societies such as that of Madang province in Papua New Guinea has been shown to benefit the poor. Supporting the view that the informal economy does benefit the poor, this essay has explored a number of points that support this view. These benefits are strongly contingent on the large basis of customary land ownership in Papua New Guinea. The informal sector in PNG has been shown to earn more income compared to average national standard wages. Sellers can control the price in the market, which is actually a counter argument to the neo-classical economy which maintains that consumers have the ultimate power in determining price. In addition, due to the basic subsistence agricultural system and the geographic condition of seasonal harvesting in PNG that is repeated year after year, a sustainable cycle of productivity has developed. The culture of exchange has become a barrier of protection from external intervention, and the collective ownership of land title has become an obstacle for financial institutions to implement their programs of borrowing and microcredit. The system of customary land ownership is a strong factor in the benefits that the informal economy can bring to rural subsistence farmers in Papua New Guinea. In some provinces, such as Madang, the matrilineal system that operates has benefited poor women, giving them more control over land and produce.   
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    TheThAuthor

    Tomas Freitas, Co-founder and former director of Luta Hamutuk, former member of Consultative Council of Petroleum Fund, and Master of Political Economy from University of Sydney  

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